Albert Gallatin
of England, Ireland, and Canada to take part in the struggle against the
British government--pertinent; for that was an appeal to sufferers under
a common yoke.
The enthusiasm awakened in France by the dramatic reception of the
American flag, presented by Monroe to the French Convention, was
somewhat dampened by the cooler manner with which Congress received the
tricolor, and was entirely dashed by the moderation of the reply of the
House to Washington's message. The consent of the House to the
appropriations to carry out the Jay Treaty decided the French Directory
to suspend diplomatic relations with the United States. The marvelous
successes of Bonaparte in Italy over the Austrian army encouraged Barras
to bolder measures. The Directory not only refused to receive Charles C.
Pinckney, the new American minister, but gave him formal notice to
retire from French territory, and even threatened him with subjection to
police jurisdiction. In view of this alarming situation, President Adams
convened Congress.
The first session of the fifth Congress began at Philadelphia on Monday,
May 15, 1797. Jonathan Dayton was reelected speaker of the House. Some
new men now appeared on the field of national debate: Samuel Sewall and
Harrison Gray Otis from Massachusetts, James A. Bayard from Delaware,
and John Rutledge, Jr., from South Carolina. Madison and Fisher Ames did
not return, and their loss was serious to their respective parties.
Madison was incontestably the finest reasoning power, and Ames, as an
orator, had no equal in our history until Webster appeared to dwarf all
other fame beside his matchless eloquence. Parties were nicely balanced,
the nominal majority being on the Federal side. Harper and Griswold
retained the lead of the administration party. Giles still led the
Republican opposition, but Gallatin was its main stay, always ready,
always informed, and already known to be in the confidence of Jefferson,
its moving spirit. The President's message was, as usual, the touchstone
of party. The debate upon it unmasked opinions. It was to all intents a
war message, since it asked provision for war. The action of France left
no alternative. The Republicans recognized this as well as the
Federalists. They must either respond heartily to the appeal of the
executive to maintain the national honor, or come under the charge they
had brought against the Federalists of sympathy with an enemy. At first
they sought a middle ground. Admitting that the rejection of our
minister and the manner of it, if followed by a refusal of all
negotiation on the subject of mutual complaints, would put an end to
every friendly relation between the two countries, they still hoped that
it was only a suspension of diplomatic intercourse. Hence, in response
to the assurance in the message that an attempt at negotiation would
first be made, Nicholas moved an amendment in this vein. The Federalists
opposed all interference with the executive, but the Republicans took
advantage of the debate to clear themselves of any taint of unpatriotic
motives in their semi-opposition. The Federalists, repudiating the
charge of British influence, held up Genet to condemnation, as making an
appeal to the people, Fauchet as fomenting an insurrection, and Adet as
insulting the government. The Republicans retorted upon them Grenville's
proposition to Mr. Pinckney, to support the American government against
the dangerous Jacobin factions which sought to overturn it. Gallatin
deprecated bringing the conduct of foreign relations into debate, and
hoped that the majority would resist the rashness which would drive the
country into war; he claimed that a disposition should be shown to put
France on an equal footing with other nations. He would offer an
ultimatum to France. Harper closed the debate in a powerful and
brilliant speech, opposing the amendment because he was for peace, and
because peace could only be maintained by showing France that we were
preparing for war. So the rival leaders based their opposite action on a
common ground. Dayton, the speaker, now embodied Gallatin's idea in
another form, and introduced a paragraph to the effect that "the House
receive with the utmost satisfaction the information of the President
that a fresh attempt at negotiation will be instituted, and cherish the
hope that a mutual spirit of conciliation and a disposition on the part
of the United States to place France on grounds as favorable as other
countries will produce an accommodation compatible with the engagements,
rights, and honor of our nation."
Kittera, who was one of the committee on the address, then moved to add
after "mutual spirit of conciliation" the clause, "to compensate for any
injury done to our neutral rights," etc. This both Harper and Gallatin
opposed. Gallatin objected to being forced to this choice. To vote in
its favor was a threat, if compensation were refused; to vote against it
was an abandonment of the claim. But he should oppose it, if forced to a
choice. The Federal leaders insisted; the previous question was ordered,
51 to 48. Here Mr. Gallatin showed himself the leader of his party. He
stated that, the majority having determined the question, it was now a
choice of evils, and he should vote for the amendment, and it was
adopted, 78 ayes to 21 nays. Among the nays were Harper, the Federalist
leader, Giles, the nominal chief of the Republicans, and Nicholas, high
in rank in that party. But the last word was not yet said. Edward
Livingston, who day by day asserted himself more positively, denied that
the conduct of the executive had been "just and impartial to foreign
nations," and moved to strike out the statement; Gallatin was more
moderate. Though he did not believe that in every instance the
government had been just and impartial, yet, generally speaking, it had
been so. He did not approve the British treaty, though he attributed no
bad motives to its makers; but he did not think that the laws respecting
the subordinate departments of the executive and judiciary had been
fairly executed. He therefore would not consent to the sentence in the
answer to the address, that the House did not hesitate to declare that
"they would give their most cordial support to principles so
deliberately and uprightly established."
What, he asked, were these principles? Otis denounced this as an artful
attempt to cast a censure, not only on the executive, but on all the
departments of government, and Allen of Connecticut declared "that there
was American blood enough in the House to approve this clause and
American accent enough to pronounce it." The rough prejudice of the
Saxon against the Latin race showed itself in this language, and
expressed the antagonism which Mr. Gallatin found to increase with his
political progress. Both the resolution and the amendment were defeated,
53 nays to 45 yeas. But when the final vote came upon the address, Mr.
Gallatin, with that practical sense which made him the sheet anchor of
his party in boisterous weather, voted with the Federalists and carried
the moderate Republicans with him. The vote was 62 to 36. Among the
irreconcilables the name of Edward Livingston is recorded.
The answer of the President was a model of good sense. "No event can
afford me so much cordial satisfaction as to conduct a negotiation with
the French Republic to a removal of prejudices, a correction of errors,
a dissipation of umbrages, an accommodation of all differences, and a
restoration of harmony and affection to the mutual satisfaction of both
nations."
This was the leading debate of the session. The situation was too grave
for trifling. On June 5, two days after the President's reply,
resolutions were introduced to put the country in a state of defense.
Gallatin struggled hard to keep down the appropriations, and opposed the
employment of the three frigates, which as yet had not been equipped or
manned. If they got to sea, the President would have no option except to
enforce the disputed articles of the French treaty. Gallatin laid down
also the law of search in accordance with the law of nations, and
pointed out that resistance to search or capture by merchantmen would
not only lead to war, but was war. In the remaining acts of the session
he was in favor of the defense of ports and harbors, with no preference
as to fortification on government territory; in favor of a prohibition
of the export of arms; against raising an additional corps of artillery;
against expatriation of persons who took service under foreign
governments. He opposed the duty on salt as unequal and unnecessary, and
sought to have the loan, which became necessary, cut down to the exact
sum of the deficiency in the appropriations; and finally, on the
impeachment of William Blount, Senator of the United States, charged
with having conspired with the British government to attack the
Spaniards of St. Augustine, he pointed out the true method of procedure
in the preparation of the bill of impeachment and the arraignment of the
offender.
The House adjourned on July 10. Jefferson complained of the weakness and
wavering of this Congress, the majority of which shifted with the breeze
of "panic or prowess." This was, however, a very narrow view; for at
this session the House fairly represented the prevailing sentiment of
the country, which was friendly to France as a nation, but indignant
with the insolence of her rulers. Gallatin, in the middle of the
session, wrote to his wife that the Republicans "were beating and beaten
by turns." He supposed that her father, Commodore Nicholson, 'thought
him too moderate and about to trim,' and then declared, 'Moderation and
firmness hath ever been, and ever will be, my motto.' Gallatin tells a
story of his colleague from Pennsylvania, the old Anti-Federalist, Blair
McClanachan, which shows the warmth of party feeling. They were both
dining with President Adams, who entertained the members of Congress in
turn. "McClanachan told the President that, by God, he would rather see
the world annihilated than this country united with Great Britain; that
there would not remain a single king in Europe within six months, etc.,
all in the loudest and most decisive tone."
Jefferson, who, as vice-president, presided over the debates in the
Senate, had no cause to complain of any hesitation in that body, in
which the Federalists had regained a clear working majority, giving him
no chance of a deciding vote.
* * * * *
The second session of the fifth Congress began on November 13, 1797. The
words of the President's address, "We are met together at a most
interesting period, the situation of the powers of Europe is singular
and portentous," was not an idle phrase. The star of Bonaparte already
dominated the political firmament. Europe lay prostrate at the feet of
the armies of the Directory. England, who was supposed to be the next
object of attack, was staggering under the load of debt; and the sailors
of her channel fleet had risen in mutiny. Even the Federalists, the
aristocrats as Mr. Gallatin delighted to call them, believed that she
was gone beyond recovery. But the admirers of France were no better
satisfied with the threatening attitude of the Directory towards
America, and eagerly waited news of the reception given to the envoys
extraordinary, Gerry, Pinckney, and Marshall, whom Adams with the
consent of the Senate dispatched to Paris in the summer. Even Jefferson
lost his taste for a French alliance, and almost wished there were "an
ocean of fire between the new and the old world."
The tone of the President's address was considered wise on all sides,
and it was agreed that the answer should be general and not a subject
of contention. One of the members asked to be excused from going with