Albert Gallatin
by a temper of the American people different from that which prevailed
when Jay and Gallatin respectively undertook the delicate work of
negotiation in 1794 and 1814. A compromise was arrived at, which was
signed on October 20, 1818. The articles on maritime rights and
impressment were set aside. A convention was made for ten years in
regard to the fisheries, the northwest boundary, and other points, and
the commercial convention of 1815 was renewed. The English claim to the
navigation of the Mississippi was finally disposed of, and the article
concerning the West India trade was referred to the President. The
arrangement of the fishery question disturbed Mr. Gallatin, who found
himself compelled to sign an agreement which left the United States in a
worse situation in that respect than before the war of 1812. But as the
British courts would certainly uphold the construction by their
government of the treaty of 1783, our vessels, when seized, would be
condemned and a collision would immediately ensue. This, and the
critical condition of our Spanish relations, left no choice between
concession and war. A short time afterward Lord Castlereagh and the Duke
of Wellington expressed friendly dispositions, and the mooted points of
impressment and the West India trade were considered by them to be near
an arrangement. The right of British armed vessels to examine American
crews was abandoned in the convention itself.
In July, 1818, the capture of Fort St. Mark and the occupation of
Pensacola in Florida by General Jackson made some stir in the quiet
waters of our foreign diplomacy. Uncertain as to whether the act would
be disavowed or justified by the American government, Mr. Gallatin
explained to the European ministers that the forcible occupation of the
Spanish province was an act of self-defence and protection against the
Indians, but Richelieu replied that the United States "had adopted the
game laws and pursued in foreign ground what was started in its own."
Yet, to the astonishment of Mr. Gallatin, Richelieu was moderate and
friendly in language, and urged a speedy amicable arrangement of
differences with Spain, in whose affairs France took an interest, and
who had asked her good offices. But Gallatin at once rejected any idea
that the United States would join France in any mediation between Spain
and her revolted colonies. It seems rather singular that, to the
suggestion that a Spanish prince might be sent over to America as an
independent monarch, Gallatin contented himself with expressing a doubt
as to the efficacy of such a course to preserve their independence. Mr.
Adams was informed that public recognition of the independence of the
insurgent colony of Buenos Ayres would shock the feelings and prejudices
of the French ministers, but that notwithstanding this displeasure,
France would not join Spain in a war on this account. England, however,
would see such a war without regret, and privateers under Spanish
commissions would instantly be fitted out, both in France and England.
Under the existing convention with Great Britain three hundred American
vessels arrived at Liverpool in the first nine months of 1818 from the
United States and only thirty English, an advantage to the United States
which war would at once destroy. Russia also was displeased with the
recognition of the independence of the Spanish colonies. At the Congress
of Aix la Chapelle various plans of mediation were proposed, but England
refusing to engage to break off all commercial relations with such of
the insurgent colonies as should reject the proposals agreed to, the
whole project was abandoned. An agreement between the five great powers
for the suppression of the slave trade was also proposed at this
Congress, but France declined to recognize the right to visit French
vessels in time of peace, and Russia making a similar declaration, this
plan also fell to the ground, and even an association against the
exactions of the Barbary powers was prevented by jealousy of the naval
preponderance of Great Britain.
While Mr. Gallatin was still actively engaged in an endeavor to put our
commercial relations with France on a satisfactory basis, and
negotiating with M. Pasquier, the new French minister for foreign
affairs, both with regard to indemnities for captures and the new
Spanish relations involved in the cession of Florida to the United
States, a serious trouble arose in which Mr. Gallatin and Mr. Adams
were at direct difference. In the spring of 1821 a French vessel, the
Apollon, was seized on the St. Mary's River, on the Spanish side, and
condemned for violation of the United States navigation laws. Mr. Adams
sustained the seizure and Mr. Gallatin did his best to defend it, on the
ground that the place where the vessel was seized was embraced in the
occupation of the United States. To Adams he wrote that the doctrine
assumed by the State Department with respect to the non-ratified treaty
with Spain was not generally admitted in Europe, and that "he thought it
equally dangerous and inconsistent with our general principles to assert
that we had a right to seize a vessel for any cause short of piracy in a
place where we did not previously claim jurisdiction." Mr. Gallatin
succeeded in satisfying M. Pasquier that the seizure was not in
violation of the law of nations or an insult to the French flag, and the
captain having instituted a suit for redress against the seizing
officers, the French minister allowed the matter to rest. Adams,
however, was indignant at having his arguments set aside. He complained
of it to Calhoun, and asked what Mr. Gallatin meant. Calhoun answered
that perhaps it was "the pride of opinion." But when Adams got to his
diary, which was the safety-valve of his ill-temper, he set a black mark
against Mr. Gallatin's name in these words: "Gallatin is a man of
first-rate talents, conscious and vain of them, and mortified in his
ambition, checked as it has been, after attaining the last step to the
summit; timid in great perils, tortuous in his paths; born in Europe,
disguising and yet betraying a superstitious prejudice of European
superiority of intellect, and holding principles pliable to
circumstances, occasionally mistaking the left for the right handed
wisdom." Against this judgment, Gallatin's estimate of Adams may be here
set down. It was expressed to his intimate friend Badollet in 1824:
"John Q. Adams is a virtuous man, whose temper, which is not the best,
might be overlooked; he has very great and miscellaneous knowledge, and
he is with his pen a powerful debater; but he wants, to a deplorable
degree, that most essential quality, a sound and correct judgment. Of
this I have had in my official connection and intercourse with him
complete and repeated proofs; and although he may be useful when
controlled and checked by others, he ought never to be trusted with a
place where, unrestrained, his errors might be fatal to the country."
Crawford complained of the difficulty he encountered in the cabinet of
softening the asperities which invariably predominated in the official
notes of the State Department while under Adams's direction, and said
that, had they been allowed to remain as originally drafted, the
government would have been "unembarrassed by diplomatic relations with
more than one power." But it must be remembered that there was no love
lost between Adams and Crawford--political rivals and not personal
friends.
The commercial negotiations, and the discussion of French pretensions
under the eighth article of the Louisiana treaty, opened with M.
Pasquier, were continued with the Vicomte de Montmorenci, who succeeded
him as minister of foreign affairs. In September, 1821, Mr. Gallatin had
communicated to Mr. Adams his intention of returning home in the spring;
but there appearing a chance of success in the negotiation of a treaty,
he wrote in February, 1822, to President Monroe that if no successor had
been appointed, he was desirous to remain some time longer. He was loath
to return without having succeeded in any one subject intrusted to his
care. Meanwhile Mr. Adams and M. de Neuville, the French minister, had
been busy in the United States. A commercial convention was signed at
Washington on June 24, 1822. Concerning this agreement Mr. Gallatin
wrote to Adams that the terms were much more favorable to France than he
had been led to presume would be acceded to, and more so than had been
hoped for by the French government. He nevertheless expressed the wish
that, as it had been signed, it should be ratified, in anticipation that
the superior activity of our ship-owners and seamen would enable America
to stand the competition.
In January, 1823, Montmorenci resigned and was succeeded by M. de
Chateaubriand. The change of ministers made no change in the French
persistence in connecting the discussion of the American claims with
that of the eighth article of the Louisiana treaty, an arrangement to
which Mr. Gallatin would not consent. As a last resort he so informed M.
de Chateaubriand, but receiving an unsatisfactory answer he concluded
that there was at that time no disposition in France to do us justice;
and as his protracted stay could be of no service to the United States,
he determined to return home in the course of the spring. In April he
received leave of absence from the President. On May 13 he had a final
conference with Chateaubriand, in which he could get no promise of any
redress, but did obtain the explicit declaration that France would in no
manner interfere in American questions.
Mr. Gallatin took passage at Havre, and arrived in New York on June 24,
1823. His political friends, especially Crawford, were eager for his
return. Crawford wished him to stand for vice-president in the coming
presidential campaign. After a short visit to Washington he went to his
home at New Geneva. The real value of perfect public service, or indeed
of any service, is only appreciated when it ceases, and friction takes
the place of smooth and noiseless order. Hardly was Mr. Gallatin settled
at Friendship Hill when a letter from President Monroe (October 15)
arrived, urging him to return to Paris, if only for the winter, or until
the crisis brought on by the rupture between France and Spain should be
over. Mr. Gallatin replied, that the deranged state of his private
affairs rendered his return to Europe extremely improbable.
Goethe says in his "Elective Affinities" that we cannot escape the
atmosphere we breathe. The natural atmosphere of Mr. Gallatin was public
life. In November, 1825, Mr. Clay, Adams's secretary of state, offered,
and, meeting a refusal, pressed upon Mr. Gallatin the post of
representative of the United States at the proposed Congress of American
Republics at Panama. Mr. Clay was right in considering it the most
important mission ever sent from the United States, and had Mr. Gallatin
accepted it, relations with these interesting countries might have been
improved to an immeasurable degree of happiness to them, and of benefit
to both continents. But his family would not hear of his exposure in the
fatal climate of the American Isthmus. Moreover, he pleaded his
ignorance of the Spanish language as a sufficient excuse for declining
the mission,--an example which has not been followed in later days.
_Minister to England_
In the spring of 1826 Mr. Rufus King, who had taken the place of Mr.
Rush at London, that gentleman having been called to the Treasury by
President Adams, fell ill, and requested the assistance of an
extraordinary envoy. Mr. Gallatin accepted the mission. Before his
nomination reached the Senate Mr. King's resignation was received and
accepted. President Adams wishing to intrust Mr. Gallatin alone with