An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic
significance so as to be used as a synonym for "totality," since it
appears in a list of equivalent for Dur = _nap-ha-ru_, "totality,"
_ka-lu-ma_, "all," _a-bu-un-na-tum e-si-im-tum_, "bony structure," and
_kul-la-tum_, "totality" (_CT_ XII, 10, 7-10). Christian shows that
it may be the "navel," which could well acquire a wider significance
for the body in general; but we may go a step further and specify
the "umbilical cord" (tentatively suggested also by Christian) as
the primary meaning, then the "navel," and from this the "body" in
general. The structure of the umbilical cord as a series of strands
would account for designating it by a plural form _abunnâti_, as
also for the fact that one could speak of a right and left side of
the _appunnâti_. To distinguish between the "umbilical cord" and the
"navel," the ideograph Dur (the common meaning of which is _riksu_,
"bond" [Delitzsch, _Sumer. Glossar._, p. 150]), was used for the
former, while for the latter Li Dur was employed, though the reading
in Akkadian in both cases was the same. The expression "with (or at)
the cutting of his umbilical cord" would mean, therefore, "from
his birth"--since the cutting of the cord which united the child
with the mother marks the beginning of the separate life. Lines
158-159, therefore, in concluding the address to Enkidu, emphasize
in a picturesque way that what has been set forth is man's fate for
which he has been destined from birth. [See now Albright's remarks on
_abunnatu_ in the Revue d'Assyriologie 16, pp. 173-175, with whose
conclusion, however, that it means primarily "backbone" and then
"stature," I cannot agree.]
In the break of about three lines at the bottom of column 4, and
of about six at the beginning of column 5, there must have been set
forth the effect of the address on Enkidu and the indication of his
readiness to accept the advice; as in a former passage (line 64),
Enkidu showed himself willing to follow the woman. At all events the
two now proceed to the heart of the city. Enkidu is in front and
the woman behind him. The scene up to this point must have taken
place outside of Erech--in the suburbs or approaches to the city,
where the meadows and the sheepfolds were situated.
Line 174. _um-ma-nu-um_ are not the "artisans," as Langdon supposes,
but the "people" of Erech, just as in the Assyrian version, Tablet
IV, 1, 40, where the word occurs in connection with _i-dip-pi-ir_,
which is perhaps to be taken as a synonym of _pahâru_, "gather;"
so also _i-dip-pir_ (Tablet I, 2, 40) "gathers with the flock."
Lines 180-182 must have contained the description of Enkidu's
resemblance to Gish, but the lines are too mutilated to permit of any
certain restoration. See the corrections (Appendix) for a suggested
reading for the end of line 181.
Line 183 can be restored with considerable probability on the basis of
the Assyrian version, Tablet I, 3, 3 and 30, where Enkidu is described
as one "whose power is strong in the land."
Lines 186-187. The puzzling word, to be read apparently _kak-ki-a-tum_,
can hardly mean "weapons," as Langdon proposes. In that case we
should expect _kakkê_; and, moreover, to so render gives no sense,
especially since the verb _ú-te-el-li-lu_ is without much question
to be rendered "rejoiced," and not "purified." _Kakkiatum_--if this
be the correct reading--may be a designation of Erech like _ribîtim_.
Lines 188-189 are again entirely misunderstood by Langdon, owing to
erroneous readings. See the corrections in the Appendix.
Line 190. _i-li-im_ in this line is used like Hebrew Elohîm, "God."
Line 191. _sakissum_ = _sakin-sum_, as correctly explained by Langdon.
Line 192. With this line a new episode begins which, owing to the gap
at the beginning of column 6, is somewhat obscure. The episode leads
to the hostile encounter between Gish and Enkidu. It is referred
to in column 2 of the fourth tablet of the Assyrian version. Lines
35-50--all that is preserved of this column--form in part a parallel
to columns 5-6 of the Pennsylvania tablet, but in much briefer form,
since what on the Pennsylvania tablet is the incident itself is on
the fourth tablet of the Assyrian version merely a repeated summary of
the relationship between the two heroes, leading up to the expedition
against Hu(m)baba. Lines 38-40 of column 2 of the Assyrian version
correspond to lines 174-177 of the Pennsylvania tablet, and lines
44-50 to lines 192-221. It would seem that Gish proceeds stealthily
at night to go to the goddess Ishhara, who lies on a couch in the _bît
êmuti_ , the "family house" Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2. 46-48). He
encounters Enkidu in the street, and the latter blocks Gish's path,
puts his foot in the gate leading to the house where the goddess is,
and thus prevents Gish from entering. Thereupon the two have a fierce
encounter in which Gish is worsted. The meaning of the episode itself
is not clear. Does Enkidu propose to deprive Gish, here viewed as a god
(cf. line 190 of the Pennsylvania tablet = Assyrian version, Tablet
I, 4, 45, "like a god"), of his spouse, the goddess Ishhara--another
form of Ishtar? Or are the two heroes, the one a counterpart of the
other, contesting for the possession of a goddess? Is it in this
scene that Enkidu becomes the "rival" (_me-ih-rù_, line 191 of the
Pennsylvania tablet) of the divine Gish? We must content ourself with
having obtained through the Pennsylvania tablet a clearer indication
of the occasion of the fight between the two heroes, and leave the
further explanation of the episode till a fortunate chance may throw
additional light upon it. There is perhaps a reference to the episode
in the Assyrian version, Tablet II, 3b, 35-36.
Line 196. For _i-na-ag-sá-am_ (from _nagâsu_), Langdon proposes the
purely fanciful "embracing her in sleep," whereas it clearly means
"he approaches." Cf. Muss-Arnolt, _Assyrian Dictionary_, page 645a.
Lines 197-200 appear to correspond to Tablet IV, 2, 35-37, of the
Assyrian version, though not forming a complete parallel. We may
therefore supply at the beginning of line 35 of the Assyrian version
_[ittaziz] Enkidu_, corresponding to line 197 of the Pennsylvania
tablet. Line 36 of IV, 2, certainly appears to correspond to line 200
(_dan-nu-ti_ = _da-na-ni-is-sú_).
Line 208. The first sign looks more like _sar_, though _ur_ is
possible.
Line 211 is clearly a description of Enkidu, as is shown by a
comparison with the Assyrian version I, 2, 37: _[pi]-ti-ik pi-ir-ti-sú
uh-tan-na-ba kima d_Nidaba, "The form of his hair sprouted like
wheat." We must therefore supply Enkidu in the preceding line. Tablet
IV, 4, 6, of the Assyrian version also contains a reference to the
flowing hair of Enkidu.
Line 212. For the completion of the line cf. Harper, _Assyrian and
Babylonian Letters_, No. 214.
Line 214. For _ribîtu mâti_ see the note above to line 28 of column 1.
Lines 215-217 correspond almost entirely to the Assyrian version IV, 2,
46-48. The variations _ki-ib-su_ in place of _sêpu_, and _kima lîm_,
"like oxen," instead of _ina bâb êmuti_ (repeated from line 46), _ana
surûbi_ for _êribam_, are slight though interesting. The Assyrian
version shows that the "gate" in line 215 is "the gate of the family
house" in which the goddess Ishhara lies.
Lines 218-228. The detailed description of the fight between the two
heroes is only partially preserved in the Assyrian version.
Line 218. _li-i-im_ is evidently to be taken as plural here as
in line 224, just as _su-ki-im_ (lines 27 and 175), _ri-bi-tim_
(lines 4, 28, etc.), _tarbasim_ (line 74), _assamim_ (line 98) are
plural forms. Our text furnishes, as does also the Yale tablet, an
interesting illustration of the vacillation in the Hammurabi period
in the twofold use of _im_: (a) as an indication of the plural (as in
Hebrew), and (b) as a mere emphatic ending (lines 63, 73, and 232),
which becomes predominant in the post-Hammurabi age.
Line 227. Gilgamesh is often represented on seal cylinders as kneeling,
e.g., Ward Seal Cylinders Nos. 159, 160, 165. Cf. also Assyrian version
V, 3, 6, where Gilgamesh is described as kneeling, though here in
prayer. See further the commentary to the Yale tablet, line 215.
Line 229. We must of course read _uz-za-sú_, "his anger," and not
_us-sa-sú_, "his javelin," as Langdon does, which gives no sense.
Line 231. Langdon's note is erroneous. He again misses the point. The
stem of the verb here as in line 230 (_i-ni-ih_) is the common _nâhu_,
used so constantly in connection with _pasâhu_, to designate the
cessation of anger.
Line 234. _istên_ applied to Gish designates him of course as "unique,"
not as "an ordinary man," as Langdon supposes.
Line 236. On this title "wild cow of the stall" for Ninsun, see Poebel
in _OLZ_ 1914, page 6, to whom we owe the correct view regarding the
name of Gilgamesh's mother.
Line 238. _mu-ti_ here cannot mean "husband," but "man" in general. See
above note to line 107. Langdon's strange misreading _ri-es-su_ for
_ri-es-ka_ ("thy head") leads him again to miss the point, namely
that Enkidu comforts his rival by telling him that he is destined for
a career above that of the ordinary man. He is to be more than a mere
prize fighter; he is to be a king, and no doubt in the ancient sense,
as the representative of the deity. This is indicated by the statement
that the kingship is decreed for him by Enlil. Similarly, Hu(m)baba or
Huwawa is designated by Enlil to inspire terror among men (Assyrian
version, Tablet IV, 5, 2 and 5), _i-sim-sú d_Enlil = Yale tablet,
l. 137, where this is to be supplied. This position accorded to Enlil
is an important index for the origin of the Epic, which is thus shown
to date from a period when the patron deity of Nippur was acknowledged
as the general head of the pantheon. This justifies us in going back
several centuries at least before Hammurabi for the beginning of
the Gilgamesh story. If it had originated in the Hammurabi period,
we should have had Marduk introduced instead of Enlil.
Line 242. As has been pointed out in the corrections to the text
(Appendix), _sú-tu-ur_ can only be III, 1, from _atâru_, "to be in
excess of." It is a pity that the balance of the line is broken off,
since this is the first instance of a colophon beginning with the
term in question. In some way _sutûr_ must indicate that the copy of
the text has been "enlarged." It is tempting to fill out the line
_sú-tu-ur e-li [duppi labiri]_, and to render "enlarged from an
original," as an indication of an independent recension of the Epic
in the Hammurabi period. All this, however, is purely conjectural,
and we must patiently hope for more tablets of the Old Babylonian
version to turn up. The chances are that some portions of the same
edition as the Yale and Pennsylvania tablets are in the hands of
dealers at present or have been sold to European museums. The war has
seriously interfered with the possibility of tracing the whereabouts
of groups of tablets that ought never to have been separated.
YALE TABLET.
TRANSLITERATION.
(About ten lines missing.)
Col. I.
.................. [ib]-ri(?)
[mi-im-ma(?) sá(?)]-kú-tu wa(?)-ak-rum
[am-mi-nim] ta-ah-si-ih
[an-ni]-a-am [e-pi]-sá-am
...... mi-im[-ma sá-kú-tu(?)]ma-
di-is
[am-mi]-nim [tah]-si-ih
[ur(?)]-ta-du-ú [a-na ki-i]s-tim
si-ip-ra-am it-[ta-sú]-ú i-na [nisê]
it-ta-ás-sú-ú-ma
i-pu-sú ru-hu-tam
.................. us-ta-di-nu
............................. bu
...............................
(About 17 lines missing.)
.............. nam-........
.................... u ib-[ri] .....
.............. ú-na-i-du ......
[zi-ik]-ra-am ú-[tí-ir]-ru
[a-na] ha-ri-[im]-tim
[i]-pu(?)-sú a-na sa-[ka]-pu-ti
Col. II.
(About eleven lines missing.)