An Old Babylonian Version of the Gilgamesh Epic
XXVIII, 14, 12). The contrast to _huwawa_ is _ligru_, "dwarf" (_CT_
XXVII, 4, 12 and 14 = Pl. 6, 7.9 = Pl. 3, 19). See Jastrow, _Religion
Babyloniens und Assyriens_, II, p. 913, Note 7. Huwawa, therefore,
has the force of "monster."
[39] Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 111 _seq._
[40] Ungnad, 1. c. p. 77, called attention to this name, but failed
to draw the conclusion that Hu(m)baba therefore belongs to the West
and not to the East.
[41] First pointed out by Ungnad in _OLZ_ 1910, p. 306, on the basis
of _CT_ XVIII, 30, 10, where En-gi-dú appears in the column furnishing
_phonetic_ readings.
[42] See Clay _Amurru_, pp. 74, 129, etc.
[43] Tablet I, 2, 39-40; 3, 6-7 and 33-34; 4, 3-4.
[44] Tablet I, 2, 1 and IX, 2, 16. Note also the statement about
Gilgamesh that "his body is flesh of the gods" (Tablet IX, 2, 14; X,
1, 7).
[45] _BOR_ IV, p. 264.
[46] Lewin, _Die Scholien des Theodor bar Koni zur
Patriarchengeschichte_ (Berlin, 1905), p. 2. See Gressmann in
Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 83, who points out that
the first element of GLMGVS compared with the second of GMYGMVS gives
the exact form that we require, namely, Gilgamos.
[47] Tablet I, col. 2, is taken up with this episode.
[48] See Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical Texts_, p. 123.
[49] See Poebel, _Historical Texts_ No. 2, col. 2, 26.
[50] Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_ I, 1 No. 26.
[51] Delitzsch, _Assyrische Lesestücke_, p. 88, VI, 2-3. Cf. also
_CT_ XXV, 28(K 7659) 3, where we must evidently supply [Esigga]-tuk,
for which in the following line we have again Gish-bil-ga-mesh as an
equivalent. See Meissner, _OLZ_ 1910, 99.
[52] See, e.g., Barton, _Haverford Collection_ II No. 27, Col. I,
14, etc.
[53] Deimel, _Pantheon Babylonicum_, p. 95.
[54] _CT_ XII, 50 (K 4359) obv. 17.
[55] See Barton, _Origin and Development of Babylonian Writing_, II,
p. 99 _seq._, for various explanations, though all centering around
the same idea of the picture of fire in some form.
[56] See the passages quoted by Poebel, _Historical and Grammatical
Texts_, p. 126.
[57] E.g., Genesis 4, 20, Jabal, "the father of tent-dwelling and
cattle holding;" Jubal (4, 21), "the father of harp and pipe striking."
[58] See particularly the plays (in the J. Document) upon the names of
the twelve sons of Jacob, which are brought forward either as tribal
characteristics, or as suggested by some incident or utterance by
the mother at the birth of each son.
[59] The designation is variously explained by Arabic writers. See
Beidhawi's _Commentary_ (ed. Fleischer), to Súra 18, 82.
[60] The writing Gish-gi-mash as an approach to the pronunciation
Gilgamesh would thus represent the beginning of the artificial process
which seeks to interpret the first syllable as "hero."
[61] See above, p. 27.
[62] Poebel, _Historical Texts_, p. 115 _seq_.
[63] Many years ago (_BA_ III, p. 376) I equated Etana with Ethan in
the Old Testament--therefore a West Semitic name.
[64] See Clay, _The Empire of the Amorites_, p. 80.
[65] Professor Clay strongly favors an Amoritic origin also
for Gilgamesh. His explanation of the name is set forth in his
recent work on _The Empire of the Amorites_, page 89, and is also
referred to in his work on _Amurru_, page 79, and in his volume
of _Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection_,
page 3, note. According to Professor Clay the original form of the
hero's name was West Semitic, and was something like _Bilga-Mash_,
the meaning of which was perhaps "the offspring of Mash." For the
first element in this division of the name cf. Pilikam, the name of
a ruler of an early dynasty, and Balak of the Old Testament. In view
of the fact that the axe figures so prominently in the Epic as an
instrument wielded by Gilgamesh, Professor Clay furthermore thinks it
reasonable to assume that the name was interpreted by the Babylonian
scribe as "the axe of Mash." In this way he would account for the
use of the determinative for weapons, which is also the sign Gish,
in the name. It is certainly noteworthy that the ideogram Gish-Tún in
the later form of _Gish-Tún-mash_ = _pasu_, "axe," _CT_ XVI, 38:14b,
etc. _Tun_ also = _pilaku_ "axe," _CT_ xii, 10:34b. Names with similar
element (besides Pilikam) are Belaku of the Hammurabi period, Bilakku
of the Cassite period, etc.
It is only proper to add that Professor Jastrow assumes the
responsibility for the explanation of the form and etymology of the
name Gilgamesh proposed in this volume. The question is one in regard
to which legitimate differences of opinion will prevail among scholars
until through some chance a definite decision, one way or the other,
can be reached.
[66] _me-ih-rù_ (line 191).
[67] Tablet I, 5, 23. Cf. I, 3, 2 and 29.
[68] Tablet IV, 4, 7 and I, 5, 3.
[69] Assyrian version, Tablet II, 3b 34, in an address of Shamash
to Enkidu.
[70] So Assyrian version, Tablet VIII, 3, 11. Also supplied VIII, 5,
20 and 21; and X, 1, 46-47 and 5, 6-7.
[71] Tablet XII, 3, 25.
[72] Ward, _Seal Cylinders of Western Asia_, Chap. X, and the
same author's _Cylinders and other Ancient Oriental Seals_--Morgan
collection Nos. 19-50.
[73] E.g., Ward No. 192, Enkidu has human legs like Gilgamesh;
also No. 189, where it is difficult to say which is Gilgamesh, and
which is Enkidu. The clothed one is probably Gilgamesh, though not
infrequently Gilgamesh is also represented as nude, or merely with
a girdle around his waist.
[74] E.g., Ward, Nos. 173, 174, 190, 191, 195 as well as 189 and 192.
[75] On the other hand, in Ward Nos. 459 and 461, the conflict
between the two heroes is depicted with the heroes distinguished
in more conventional fashion, Enkidu having the hoofs of an animal,
and also with a varying arrangement of beard and hair.
[76] See Jastrow, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_ (Boston, 1898),
p. 468 _seq._
[77] Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 90 _seq._
[78] Pennsylvania tablet, l. 198 = Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 2, 37.
[79] "Enkidu blocked the gate" (Pennsylvania tablet, line 215) =
Assyrian version Tablet IV, 2, 46: "Enkidu interposed his foot at
the gate of the family house."
[80] Pennsylvania tablet, lines 218 and 224.
[81] Yale tablet, line 198; also to be supplied lines 13-14.
[82] Yale tablet, lines 190 and 191.
[83] _PSBA_ 1914, 65 _seq._ = Jensen III, 1a, 4-11, which can now be
completed and supplemented by the new fragment.
[84] I.e., Enkidu will save Gilgamesh.
[85] These two lines impress one as popular sayings--here applied
to Enkidu.
[86] King's fragment, col. I, 13-27, which now enables us to complete
Jensen III, 1a, 12-21.
[87] Yale tablet, lines 252-253.
[88] Yale tablet, lines 143-148 = Assyrian version, Tablet IV, 6,
26 _seq._
[89] Assyrian version, Tablet III, 2a, 13-14.
[90] Lines 215-222.
[91] Assyrian version, Tablet V, Columns 3-4. We have to assume that
in line 13 of column 4 (Jensen, p. 164), Enkidu takes up the thread
of conversation, as is shown by line 22: "Enkidu brought his dream
to him and spoke to Gilgamesh."
[92] Assyrian version, Tablet VI, lines 146-147.
[93] Lines 178-183.
[94] Lines 176-177.
[95] Tablet VII, Column 6.
[96] Assyrian version, Tablet VI, 200-203. These words are put into
the mouth of Gilgamesh (lines 198-199). It is, therefore, unlikely
that he would sing his own praise. Both Jensen and Ungnad admit that
Enkidu is to be supplied in at least one of the lines.
[97] Lines 109 and 112.
[98] Assyrian version, Tablet IX, 1, 8-9.
[99] Tablet VIII, 5, 2-6.
[100] So also Gressmann in Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_,
p. 97, regards Enkidu as the older figure.
[101] See Jastrow, _Adam and Eve in Babylonian Literature, AJSL_,
Vol. 15, pp. 193-214.
[102] Assyrian version, Tablet I, 2, 31-36.
[103] It will be recalled that Enkidu is always spoken of as "born
in the field."
[104] Note the repetition _ibtani_ "created" in line 33 of the "man
of Anu" and in line 35 of the offspring of Ninib. The creation of the
former is by the "heart," i.e., by the will of Aruru, the creation of
the latter is an act of moulding out of clay.
[105] Tablet I, Column 3.
[106] Following as usual the enumeration of lines in Jensen's edition.
[107] An analogy does not involve a dependence of one tale upon the
other, but merely that both rest on similar traditions, which _may_
have arisen independently.
[108] Note that the name of Eve is not mentioned till after the
fall (Genesis 3, 20). Before that she is merely _ishsha_, i.e.,
"woman," just as in the Babylonian tale the woman who guides Enkidu
is _harimtu_, "woman."
[109] "And he drank and became drunk" (Genesis 9, 21).
[110] "His heart became glad and his face shone" (Pennsylvania Tablet,
lines 100-101).
[111] That in the combination of this Enkidu with tales of primitive
man, inconsistent features should have been introduced, such as the
union of Enkidu with the woman as the beginning of a higher life,
whereas the presence of a hunter and his father shows that human
society was already in existence, is characteristic of folk-tales,
which are indifferent to details that may be contradictory to the
general setting of the story.
[112] Pennsylvania tablet, lines 102-104.
[113] Line 105.
[114] Tablet I, 1, 9. See also the reference to the wall of Erech as
an "old construction" of Gilgamesh, in the inscription of An-Am in
the days of Sin-gamil (Hilprecht, _Old Babylonian Inscriptions_, I,
No. 26.) Cf IV R2 52, 3, 53.
[115] The invariable designation in the Assyrian version as against
_Uruk ribîtim_, "Erech of the plazas," in the old Babylonian version.
[116] In Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_, p. 123 _seq._
[117] See Jensen, p. 266. Gilgamesh is addressed as "judge," as the
one who inspects the divisions of the earth, precisely as Shamash is
celebrated. In line 8 of the hymn in question, Gilgamesh is in fact
addressed as Shamash.
[118] The darkness is emphasized with each advance in the hero's
wanderings (Tablet IX, col. 5).
[119] This tale is again a nature myth, marking the change from the
dry to the rainy season. The Deluge is an annual occurrence in the
Euphrates Valley through the overflow of the two rivers. Only the
canal system, directing the overflow into the fields, changed the
curse into a blessing. In contrast to the Deluge, we have in the
Assyrian creation story the drying up of the primeval waters so
that the earth makes its appearance with the change from the rainy
to the dry season. The world is created in the spring, according to
the Akkadian view which is reflected in the Biblical creation story,
as related in the P. document. See Jastrow, _Sumerian and Akkadian
Views of Beginnings_ (_JAOS_, Vol 36, p. 295 seq.).
[120] As-am in Sumerian corresponding to the Akkadian Sabatu, which
conveys the idea of destruction.
[121] The month is known as the "Mission of Ishtar" in Sumerian, in
allusion to another nature myth which describes Ishtar's disappearance
from earth and her mission to the lower world.
[122] _Historical Texts_ No. 1. The Sumerian name of the survivor
is Zi-u-gíd-du or perhaps Zi-u-su-du (cf. King, _Legends of Babylon
and Egypt_, p. 65, note 4), signifying "He who lengthened the day of
life," i.e., the one of long life, of which Ut-napishtim ("Day of
Life") in the Assyrian version seems to be an abbreviated Akkadian
rendering, with the omission of the verb. So King's view, which is
here followed. See also _CT_ XVIII, 30, 9, and Langdon, _Sumerian Epic
of Paradise_, p. 90, who, however, enters upon further speculations
that are fanciful.
[123] See the translation in Ungnad-Gressmann, _Das Gilgamesch-Epos_,
pp. 69, _seq._ and 73.