Anabasis
at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to the camp, and made no secret
of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of
Tissaphernes, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those
invited ought to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of
calumnious language ought to be punished, not only as traitors
themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow-countrymen. The
slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he suspected,
because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes whilst he
was with Ariaeus, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how
to win over the whole army to him, as a means of winning the good
graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give
its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out
of the way. Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals
had better not all go; it was better not to put too much confidence in
Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so strongly that finally it was
arranged for five generals to go and twenty captains. These were
accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the
opportunity of marketing.
On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were
summoned inside. They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the
Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Laconian, and Socrates
the Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after
that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those
without cut down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped
over the plain, killing every Hellene they encountered, bond or free. 32
The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed that strange
horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain to themselves what
it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian came tearing along for bare
life with a wound in the belly, and clutching his protruding entrails
in his hands. He told them all that had happened. Instantly the
Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter consternation, and
fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp.
However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and Artaozus and
Mithridates, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the
interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and recognised the brother of
Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other Persians
also, armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they
were within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the
Hellenes who might be there to approach and hear a message from the
king. After this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution.
These were Cleanor the Orchomenian (3), and Sophaenetus the
Stymphalion, attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news
of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at the time away in a village with a
party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted within earshot,
Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed
perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he
is dead; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given
information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. As to
yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since
they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made
answer by the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who
said, addressing Ariaeus: "Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of
you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man,
first to swear to us that you have the same friends and the same
enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common
cause with Tissaphernes, that most impious and villainous of men? With
him you have murdered the very men to whom you gave your solemn word
and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors; and, having so done, 39
you join hand with our enemies to come against us." Ariaeus answered:
"There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to
harbour designs against Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who
side with them." Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: "Well, then,
granting that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to our oaths, he has
his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but where are Proxenus
and Menon, our generals and your good friends and benefactors, as you
admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they are friends of
both parites, they will try to give us the best advice for you and for
us."
At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long
while, and then they went away without vouchsafing a word.
VI
The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1
decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,
and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew
him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and
Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the
peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the
ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and
Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason
or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him
back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,
and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was
condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to
orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working
on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he
received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having
got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but
collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and 5
conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and
plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;
whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of
warfare in his company.
These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose
affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace
with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when
he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in
fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he
would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it
briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his
fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to
squander his substance on soldiering.
But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the
less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;
he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in
difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a
campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the
question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be
admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he
was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his
army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also
capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be
obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.
With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without
purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no
good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded
to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his
hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's
hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers
were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The 11
cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;
his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with
vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of
salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and
it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other
officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but
was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards
him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was
not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by
friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,
either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,
yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to
victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the
foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at
his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew
how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great
taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must
have been about fifty years of age.
Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been
the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great
achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he
paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini (1). After enojoying that teacher's
society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to
rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,
he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service (2). In this mood he 17
threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to
derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and
wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he
set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain
them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art
of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either
respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he
showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates
for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their
hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful
to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the
virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily
understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,
the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself
open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person
to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only
thirty years of age.
(1) The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100
minae.
(2) Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus
of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating
the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of
many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many
friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the
"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of
experience and reflection which "this young scholar or
philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to
literary account.
As to Menon the Thessalian (3), the mainspring of his action was