Aristotle
e)le/gomen peri\ tê=s pro\s tou\s pollou\s e)nteu/xeôs.]--p. 1357,
a. 1: [Greek: e)/sti de\ to\ e)/rgon au)tê=s peri/ te toiou/tôn
peri\ ô(=n bouleuo/metha kai\ te/chnas mê\ e)/chomen, kai\ e)n toi=s
toiou/tois a)kroatai=s oi(\ ou) du/nantai dia\ pollô=n sunora=n
ou)de\ logi/zesthai po/r)r(ôthen.]--p. 1357, a. 11: [Greek: o( ga\r
kri/tês u(pokei=tai ei)=nai a(plou=s.] Compare Topica, I. ii. p. 101,
a. 26-36; Soph. El. p. 172, a. 30.]
But the First Philosophy that preceded his, had not been so adapted.
The Greek philosophers, who flourished before dialectical discussion
had become active, during the interval between Thales and Sokrates,
considered Philosophy as one whole--_rerum divinarum et humanarum
scientia_--destined to render Nature or the Kosmos more or less
intelligible. They took up in the gross all those vast problems,
which the religious or mythological poets had embodied in divine
genealogies and had ascribed to superhuman personal agencies.
Thales and his immediate successors (like their predecessors the
poets) accommodated their hypotheses to intellectual impulses and
aspirations of their own; with little anxiety about giving
satisfaction to others,[46] still less about avoiding inconsistencies
or meeting objections. Each of them fastened upon some one grand and
imposing generalization (set forth often in verse) which he stretched
as far as it would go by various comparisons and illustrations, but
without any attention or deference to adverse facts or reasonings.
Provided that his general point of view was impressive to the
imagination,[47] as the old religious scheme of personal agencies was
to the vulgar, he did not concern himself about the conditions of
proof or disproof. The data of experience were altogether falsified
(as by the Pythagoreans)[48] in order to accommodate them to the
theory; or were set aside as deceptive and inexplicable from the
theory (as by both Parmenides and Herakleitus).[49]
[Footnote 46: Aristot. Met. B. iv. p. 1000, a. 9: [Greek: oi( me\n
ou)=n peri\ Ê(si/odon kai\ pa/ntes o(/soi theo/logoi mo/non
e)phro/ntisan tou= pithanou= tou= pro\s au)tou/s, ê(mô=n d'
ô)ligô/rêsan;--kai\ ga\r o(/nper oi)êthei/ê le/gein a)/n tis ma/lista
o(mologoume/nôs au(tô=|, E)mpedoklê=s, kai\ ou(to\s tau)to\n
pe/ponthen.]--Metaph. N. iv. p. 1091, b. 1-15.]
[Footnote 47: This is strikingly expressed by a phrase of Aristotle
about the Platonic theory, Metaph. N. iii. p. 1090, a. 35: [Greek:
oi( de\ chôristo\n poiou=ntes, o(/ti e)pi\ tô=n ai)sthêtô=n ou)k
e)/stai ta\ a)xiô/mata, a)lêthê= de\ ta\ lego/mena kai\ sai/nei tê\n
psuchê/n, ei)=nai/ te u(polamba/nousi kai\ chôrista\ ei)=nai.]]
[Footnote 48: Metaph. N. iii. p. 1090, a. 34: [Greek: e)oi/kasi peri\
a)/llou ou)ra/nou le/gein kai\ sôma/tôn a)ll' ou) tô=n ai)sthêt
ô=n.]--Metaph. A. v. p. 986, a. 5; and De Coelo, II. xiii. p. 293, a.
25.]
[Footnote 49: Physic. I. ii.-iii. pp. 185-186.]
But these vague hypotheses became subjected to a new scrutiny, when
the dialectical age of Zeno and Sokrates supervened. Opponents of
Parmenides impugned his theory of _Ens Unum Continuum Immobile_, as
leading to absurdities; while his disciple Zeno replied, not by any
attempt to disprove such allegations but, by showing that the
counter-theory of _Entia Plura Discontinua Moventia_, or _Mutabilia_,
involved consequences yet more absurd.[50] In the acute dialectical
warfare, to which the old theories thus stood exposed, the means of
attack much surpassed those of defence; moreover, the partisans of
Herakleitus despised all coherent argumentation, confining themselves
to obscure oracular aphorisms and multiplied metaphors.[51] In point
of fact, no suitable language could be found, consistently with
common speech or common experience, for expanding in detail either
the Herakleitean[52] or the Parmenidean theory; the former
suppressing all duration and recognizing nothing but events--a
perpetual stream of _Fientia_ or interchange of _Ens_ with _Non-Ens_;
the latter discarding _Non-Ens_ as unmeaning, and recognizing no real
events or successions, but only _Ens Unum_ perpetually lasting and
unchangeable. The other physical hypotheses, broached by Pythagoras,
Empedokles, Anaxagoras, and Demokritus, each altogether discordant
with the others, were alike imposing in their general enunciation and
promise, alike insufficient when applied to common experience and
detail.
[Footnote 50: Plato, Parmenid. p. 128, D.]
[Footnote 51: Plato, Theætêt. p. 179, E: [Greek: peri\ tou/tôn tô=n
Ê(rakleitei/ôn,--to\ e)pimei=nai e)pi\ lo/gô| kai\ e)rôtê/mati
kai\ ê(suchi/ôs e)n me/rei a)pokri/nasthai kai\ e)re/sthai ê(=tton
au)toi=s e)/ni ê)\ to\ mêde/n;--ô(/sper e)k phare/tras r(êmati/skia
ai)nigmatô/dê a)naspô=ntes a)potoxeu/ousi, ka)\n tou/tou zêtê=|s
lo/gon labei=n, ti/ ei)/rêken, e(te/rô| peplê/xei kainô=s
metônomasme/nô|, peranei=s de\ ou)de/pote ou)de\n pro\s ou)de/na au)t
ô=n.]]
[Footnote 52: Ibid. p. 183, B: [Greek: a)lla/ tin' a)/llên phônê\n
thete/on toi=s to\n lo/gon tou=ton le/gousin, ô(s nu=n ge pro\s tê\n
au(tô=n u(po/thesin ou)k e)/chousi r(ê/mata, ei) mê\ a)/ra to\
ou)/d' o(/pôs; ma/lista d' ou(/tôs a)\n au)toi=s a(/rmottoi,
a)/peiron lego/menon.]
Plato applies this remark to the theory of Protagoras; but the remark
belongs properly to that of Herakleitus.]
But the great development of Dialectic during the Sokratic age,
together with the new applications made of it by Sokrates and the
unrivalled acuteness with which he wielded it, altered materially the
position of these physical theories. Sokrates was not ignorant of
them;[53] but he discouraged such studies, and turned attention to
other topics. He passed his whole life in public and in
indiscriminate conversation with every one. He deprecated astronomy
and physics as unbecoming attempts to pry into the secrets of the
gods; who administered the general affairs of the Kosmos according to
their own pleasure, and granted only, through the medium of prophecy
or oracles, such special revelations as they thought fit. In his own
discussions Sokrates dwelt only on matters of familiar conversation
and experience--social, ethical, political, &c., such as were in
every one's mouth, among the daily groups of the market-place. These
he declared to be the truly _human_ topics[54]--the proper study of
mankind--upon which it was disgraceful to be ignorant, or to form
untrue and inconsistent judgments. He found, moreover, that upon
these topics no one supposed himself to be ignorant, or to require
teaching. Every one gave confident opinions, derived from intercourse
with society, embodied in the familiar words of the language, and
imbibed almost unconsciously along with the meaning of these words.
Now Sokrates not only disclaimed all purpose of teaching, but made
ostentatious profession of his own ignorance. His practice was to ask
information from others who professed to know; and with this view, to
question them about the import of vulgar words with the social
convictions contained in them.[55] To the answers given he applied an
acute cross-examination, which seldom failed to detect so much
inconsistency and contradiction as to cover the respondent with
shame, and to make him sensible that he was profoundly ignorant of
matters which he had believed himself to know well. Sokrates
declared, in his last speech before condemnation by the Athenian
Dikasts, that such false persuasion of knowledge, combined with real
ignorance, was universal among mankind; and that the exposure
thereof, as the great misguiding force of human life, had been
enjoined upon him as his mission by the Delphian God.[56]
[Footnote 53: Xenophon, Mem. IV. vii. 5: [Greek: kai/toi ou)de\ tou/t
ôn ge a)nê/koos ê)=n].]
[Footnote 54: Xenophon, Mem. I. i. 12-16: [Greek: kai\ prô=ton me\n
au)tô=n e)sko/pei po/tera/ pote nomi/santes i(kanô=s ê)/dê ta)nthr
ô/peia ei)de/nai e)/rchontai e)pi\ to\ peri\ tô=n toiou/tôn
phronti/zein, ê)\ ta\ me\n a)nthrô/peia pare/ntes, ta\ de\ daimo/nia
skopou=ntes, ê(gou=ntai ta\ prosê/konta pra/ttein.--au)to\s de\ peri\
tô=n a)nthrôpei/ôn a)ei\ diele/geto, skopô=n ti/ eu)sebe/s, ti/
a)sebe/s, ti/ kalo/n, ti/ ai)schro/n, ti/ di/kaion, ti/ a)/dikon, ti/
sôphrosu/nê, ti/ mani/a, ti/ po/lis, ti/ politiko/s, ti/ a)rchê\
a)nthrô/pôn, ti/ a)rchiko\s a)nthrô/pôn], &c.
Compare IV. vii. 2-9.]
[Footnote 55: Xenoph. Memor. I. ii. 26-46; III. vi. 2-15; IV. ii.;
IV. vi. 1: [Greek: skopô=n su\n toi=s sunoi=si ti/ e(/kaston ei)/ê
tô=n o)/ntôn ou)de/pot' e)/lêge.]--IV. iv. 9: [Greek: a)rkei= ga\r
o(/ti tô=n a)/llôn katagela=|s, e)rôtô=n me\n kai\ e)le/gchôn
pa/ntas, au)to\s d' ou)deni\ the/lôn u(pe/chein lo/gon ou)de\
gnô/mên a)pophai/nesthai perei\ ou)deno/s.]--Plato, Republic I. pp.
336-337; Theætêt. p. 150 C.]
[Footnote 56: Plato, Apol. Sokrat. pp. 22, 28, 33: [Greek: e)moi\ de\
tou=to, ô(s e)gô/ phêmi, proste/taktai u(po\ tou= theou= pra/ttein
kai\ e)k manteiô=n kai\ e)x e)nupni/ôn kai\ panti\ tro/pô|,
ô(=|pe/r ti/s pote kai\ a)/llê thei/a moi=ra a)nthrô/pô| kai\
o(tiou=n prose/taxe pra/ttein.]--Plato, Sophist. pp. 230-231; Menon,
pp. 80, A., 84, B.
Compare the analysis of the Platonic Apology in my work, 'Plato and
the Other Companions of Sokrates,' Vol. I. c. vii.]
The peculiarities which Aristotle ascribes to Sokrates are--that he
talked upon ethical topics instead of physical, that he fastened
especially on the definitions of general terms, and that his
discussions were inductive, bringing forward many analogous
illustrative or probative particulars to justify a true general
proposition, and one or a few to set aside a false one.[57] This
Sokratic practice is copiously illustrated both by Plato in many of
his dialogues, and by Xenophon throughout all the Memorabilia.[58] In
Plato, however, Sokrates is often introduced as spokesman of
doctrines not his own; while in Xenophon we have before us the real
man as he talked in the market-place, and apparently little besides.
Xenophon very emphatically exhibits to us a point which in Plato's
Dialogues of Search is less conspicuously marked, though still
apparent: viz., the power possessed by Sokrates of accommodating
himself to the ordinary mind in all its varieties--his habit of
dwelling on the homely and familiar topics of the citizen's daily
life--his constant appeal to small and even vulgar details, as the
way of testing large and imposing generalities.[59] Sokrates
possessed to a surprising degree the art of selecting arguments
really persuasive to ordinary non-theorizing men; so as often to
carry their assent along with him, and still oftener to shake their
previous beliefs, if unwarranted, or even if adopted by mere passive
receptivity without preliminary reflection and comparison.
[Footnote 57: Aristot. Metaph. M. iv. p. 1078, b. 28: [Greek: du/o
ga/r e)stin a(/ tis a)\n a)podoi/ê Sôkra/tei dikai/ôs, tou/s t'
e)paktikou\s lo/gous kai\ to\ o(ri/zesthai katho/lou; tau=ta ga/r
e)stin a)/mphô peri\ a)rchê\n e)pistê/mês.]--ib. A. p. 987, b. 1:
[Greek: Sôkra/tous de\ peri\ me\n ta\ ê)thika\ pragmateuome/nou,
peri\ de\ tê=s o(/lês phu/seôs ou)the/n, e)n me/ntoi tou/tois to\
katho/lou zêtou=ntos kai\ peri\ o(rismô=n e)pistê/santos prô/tou
tê\n dia/noian.]]
[Footnote 58: No portion of the Memorabilia illustrates this point
better than the dialogue with Euthydêmus, IV. vi.]
[Footnote 59: Xenophon, Memor. IV. vi. 15: [Greek: o(/pote de\
au)to/s ti tô=| lo/gô| diexi/oi, dia\ tô=n ma/lista o(mologoume/n
ôn e)poreu/eto, nomi/zôn tau/tên tê\n a)spha/leian ei)=nai lo/gou;
toigarou=n polu\ ma/lista ô(=n e)gô\ oi)=da, o(/te le/goi, tou\s
a)kou/ontas o(mologou=ntas parei=chen; e)/phê de\ kai\ O(/mêron tô=|
O)dussei= a)nathei=nai to\ a)sphalê= r(ê/tora ei)=nai, ô(s i(kano\n
au)to\n o)/nta dia\ tô=n dokou/ntôn toi=s a)nthrô/pois a)/gein
tou\s lo/gous.]