Aurelian; or, Rome in the Third Century
forgive a great deal of what appears to be, and is, so opposite to the
true Christian temper, on account of its origin and cause. Especially as
these very persons, who are so impetuous, and truculent almost, as
partizans and advocates, are, as private Christians, examples perhaps of
extraordinary virtue. We certainly know this to be the case with Macer.
An apostle was never more conscientious nor more pure. Yet would he, had
he power equal to his will, drive from the church all who bowed not the
knee to his idol Novatian.'
'But how,' asked Julia, 'would that agree with the offence he justly
took at those who quarreled with Probus and Felix on account of their
doctrine?'
'There certainly would be in such conduct no agreement nor consistency.
It only shows how easy it is to see a fault in another, to which we are
stone-blind in ourselves. In the faith or errors of Probus and Felix he
thought there was nothing that should injure their Christian name, or
unfit them for any office. Yet in the same breath he condemned as almost
the worst enemies of Christ such as refused honor and adherence to the
severe and inhuman code of his master Novatian.'
'But how far removed, Lucius, is all this from the spirit of the
religion of Jesus! Allowing all the force of the apologies you may
offer, is it not a singular state for the minds and tempers of those to
have arrived at, who profess before the world to have formed themselves
after the doctrine, and, what is more, after the character of Christ? I
cannot understand the process by which it has been done, nor how it is
that, without bringing upon themselves public shame and reproach, such
men can stand forth and proclaim themselves not only Christians, but
Christian leaders and ministers.'
'I can understand it, I confess, quite as little. But I cannot doubt
that as Christianity outgrows its infancy, especially when the great
body of those who profess it shall have been formed by it from their
youth, and shall not be composed, as now, of those who have been brought
over from the opposite and uncongenial regions of Paganism, with much of
their former character still adhering to them, Christians will then be
what they ought to be who make the life and character of Jesus their
standard. Nothing is learned so slowly by mankind as those lessons which
enforce mutual love and respect, in which the gospels so abound. We must
allow not only years, but hundreds of years, for these lessons to be
imprinted upon the general heart of men, and to be seen in all their
character and intercourse. But when a few hundred years shall have
elapsed, and that is a long allowance for this education to be perfected
in, I can conceive that the times of the primitive peace and love shall
be more than restored, and that such reproaches as to-night were heard
lavished upon one and another will be deemed as little compatible with a
Christian profession as would be violence and war. All violence and
wrong must cease, as this religion is received, and the ancient
superstitions and idolatries die out.'
'What a privilege, to be born and live,' said Julia, 'in those fast
approaching years, when Christianity shall alone be received as the
religion of this large empire, when Paganism shall have become extinct
in Rome war and slavery shall cease, and all our people shall be
actuated by the same great principles of faith and virtue that governed
both Christ and his apostles! A few centuries will witness more and
better than we now dream of.'
So we pleased ourselves with visions of future peace and happiness,
which Christianity was to convert to reality. To me they are no longer
mere visions, but as much realities to be experienced, as the future
towering oak is, when I look upon an acorn planted, or as the future man
is, when I look upon a little child. If Christianity grows at all, it
must grow in such direction. If it do not, it will not be Christianity
that grows, but something else that shall have assumed its name and
usurped its place. The extension of Christianity is the extension and
multiplication as it were of that which constituted Christ himself--it
is the conversion of men into his image--or else it is nothing. Then,
when this shall be done, what a paradise of peace, and holiness, and
love, will not the earth be! Surely, to be used as an instrument in
accomplishing such result, one may well regard as an honor and
privilege, and be ready to bear and suffer much, if need be, in
fulfilling the great office.
I hope I shall not have wearied you by all this exactness. I strictly
conform to your injunctions, so that you can complain only of yourself.
We often wish that the time would allow us to escape to you, that we
might witness your labors and share them in the rebuilding and
reembelishing of the city. Rome will never be a home to Julia. Her
affections are all in Syria. I can even better conceive of Zenobia
becoming a Roman than Julia. Farewell.
* * * * *
Finding among the papers of Piso no letter giving any account of what
took place immediately after the meeting of the Christians, which, in
his last letter, he has so minutely described, I shall here supply, as I
may, the deficiency; and I can do it at least with fidelity, since I was
present at the scenes of which I shall speak.
No one took a more lively interest in the condition and affairs of the
Christians than Zenobia; and it is with sorrow that I find among the
records of Piso no mention made of conversations had at Tibur while
these events were transpiring, at which were present himself, and the
princess Julia, the Queen, and, more than once, Aurelian and Livia.
While I cannot doubt that such record was made, I have in vain searched
for it among those documents which he intrusted to me.
It was by command of the Queen that on the day following that on which
the Christians held their assembly at the baths, I went to Rome for the
very purpose to learn whatever I could, both at the Gardens and abroad
in the city, concerning the condition and probable fate of that people,
she desiring more precise information than could be gathered from any of
the usual sources of intelligence.
It was apparent to me as I entered the city, and penetrated to its more
crowded parts, that somewhat unusual had taken place, or was about to
happen. There were more than the common appearances of excitement among
those whom I saw conversing and gesticulating at the corners of streets
or the doors of the public baths. This idle and corrupt population
seemed to have less than on other occasions to employ their hands, and
so gave their time and their conversation to one another, laying no
restraint upon the quantity of either. It is an indisputable fact that
Rome exists to this day, for any one who will come into Italy may see it
for himself, and he cannot reject the testimony of his eyes and ears.
But how it exists from year to year, or from day to day, under such
institutions, it would puzzle the wisest philosopher, I believe, to
tell. Me, who am no philosopher, it puzzles as often as I reflect upon
it. I cannot learn the causes that hold together in such apparent order
and contentment so idle and so corrupt a people. I have supposed it must
be these, but they seem not sufficient: the Praetorian camp without the
walls, and the guard, in league with them, within, and the largesses and
games proceeding from the bounty of the Emperor. These last, though they
are the real sources of their corruption and must end in the very
destruction of the city and people, yet, at present, operate to keep
them quiet and in order. So long as these bounties are dispensed, so
long, such is our innate love of idleness and pleasure, will the mass
think it foolish to agitate any questions of right or religion, or any
other, by which they might be forfeited. Were these suddenly suspended,
all the power of the Praetorian cohorts, I suppose, could not keep peace
in Rome. They were now I found occupied by the affairs of the
Christians, and waiting impatiently for the orders which should next
issue from the imperial will. The edicts published two days before gave
them no employment, nor promised much. They merely laid restraints upon
the Christians, but gave no liberty of assault and injury to the Roman.
'That does not satisfy the people,' said one to me, at the door of a
shop, of whom I had made some inquiry on the subject. 'More was looked
for from the Emperor, for it is well known that he intends the extremest
measures, and most are of opinion that, before the day is out, new
edicts will be issued. Why he took the course he did of so uncommon
moderation 'tis hard to say. All the effect of it is to give the
Christians opportunity to escape and hide themselves, so that by the
time the severer orders against them are published, it will be
impossible to carry them into execution.'
'Perhaps,' I said, 'it was after all his intention to give them a
distant warning, that some might, if they saw fit to do so, escape.'
'I do not believe that,' he replied; 'it will rather, I am of the
opinion, be found to have proceeded from the advice of Fronto and Varus,
to give to the proceedings a greater appearance of moderation; which
shows into the hands of what owls the Emperor has suffered himself to
fall. Nobody ever expected moderation in Aurelian, nor do any but a few
as bad as themselves think these wretches deserve it. The only
consequence of the present measures will be to increase their swelling
insolence and pride, thinking that Aurelian threatens but dares not
execute. Before another day, I trust, new edicts will show that the
Emperor is himself. The life of Rome hangs upon the death of these.'
Saying which, with a savage scowl, which showed how gladly he would turn
executioner or tormentor in such service, he turned and crossed the
street.
I then sought the palace of Piso. I was received in the library, where I
found the lady Julia and Piso.
They greeted me as they ever did, rather as if I were a brother than but
the servant of Zenobia. But whatever belongs to her, were it but so much
as a slave of the lowest office, would they treat with affection at
least, if not with reverence. After answering their inquiries after the
welfare of the Queen and Faustula, I made mine concerning the condition
of the city and the affairs of the Christians, saying, 'that Zenobia was
anxious to learn what ground there was, or whether any, to feel
apprehension for the safety of that people?'--Piso said, 'that now he
did not doubt there was great ground for serious apprehension. It was
believed by those who possessed the best means of intelligence, that new
edicts of a much severer character would be issued before another day.
But that Zenobia need be under no concern either as to himself or Julia,
since the Emperor in conversation with him as much as assured him that,
whatever might befal others, no harm should come to them.'
He then gave me an account of what the Christians had done in their
assembly, agreeing with what is now to be found in the preceding letter.
I then asked whether he thought that the Christian Macer would keep to
the declaration he had made, that he would to-day, the edicts
notwithstanding, preach in the streets of Rome! He replied, that he did
not doubt that he would, and that if I wished to know what some of the
Christians were, and what the present temper of the people was towards
them, I should do well to seek him and hear him.'
'Stand by him, good Nicomachus,' said Julia, 'if at any moment you find
that you can be of service to him. I have often heretofore blamed him,
but since this murder of Aurelia, and the horrors of the dedication, I
hold him warranted, and more than that, in any means he may use, to