Bacon's Essays, and Wisdom of the Ancients
Gallo-Græcia, the other to Rome: but east and west have no certain
points of heaven; and no more have the wars, either from the east or
west, any certainty of observation; but north and south are fixed; and
it hath seldom or never been seen that the far southern people have
invaded the northern, but contrariwise: whereby it is manifest that
the northern tract of the world is in nature the more martial region,
be it in respect of the stars of that hemisphere,[604] or of the great
continents that are upon the north; whereas, the south part, for aught
that is known, is almost all sea; or (which is most apparent) of
the cold of the northern parts, which is that which, without aid of
discipline, doth make the bodies hardest, and the courage warmest.
Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state and empire, you may be
sure to have wars; for great empires, while they stand, do enervate and
destroy the forces of the natives which they have subdued, resting upon
their own protecting forces; and then, when they fail also, all goes
to ruin, and they become a prey. So was it in the decay of the Roman
empire, and likewise in the empire of Almaigne,[605] after Charles
the Great,[606] every bird taking a feather, and were not unlike to
befall to Spain, if it should break. The great accessions and unions
of kingdoms do likewise stir up wars; for when a state grows to an
over-power, it is like a great flood, that will be sure to overflow,
as it hath been seen in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain, and others.
Look when the world hath fewest barbarous people, but such as commonly
will not marry or generate, except they know means to live (as it is
almost everywhere at this day, except Tartary), there is no danger of
inundations of people; but when there be great shoals of people, which
go on to populate, without foreseeing means of life and sustenation,
it is of necessity that once in an age or two they discharge a portion
of their people upon other nations, which the ancient northern people
were wont to do by lot; casting lots what part should stay at home,
and what should seek their fortunes. When a warlike state grows soft
and effeminate, they may be sure of a war, for commonly such states are
grown rich in the time of their degenerating; and so the prey inviteth,
and their decay in valor encourageth a war.
As for the weapons, it hardly falleth under rule and observation, yet
we see even they have returns and vicissitudes; for certain it is that
ordnance was known in the city of the Oxidraces, in India, and was that
which the Macedonians[607] called thunder and lightning, and magic;
and it is well known that the use of ordnance hath been in China above
two thousand years. The conditions of weapons, and their improvements
are, first, the fetching[608] afar off, for that outruns the danger,
as it is seen in ordnance and muskets; secondly, the strength of the
percussion, wherein, likewise, ordnance do exceed all arietations,[609]
and ancient inventions; the third is, the commodious use of them, as
that they may serve in all weathers, that the carriage may be light and
manageable, and the like.
For the conduct of the war: at the first, men rested extremely upon
number; they did put the wars likewise upon main force and valor,
pointing days for pitched fields, and so trying it out upon an even
match; and they were more ignorant in ranging and arraying their
battles. After they grew to rest upon number, rather competent than
vast, they grew to advantages of place, cunning diversions, and the
like, and they grew more skilful in the ordering of their battles.
In the youth of a state, arms do flourish; in the middle age of a
state, learning; and then both of them together for a time; in the
declining age of a state, mechanical arts and merchandise. Learning
hath its infancy when it is but beginning, and almost childish; then
its youth, when it is luxuriant and juvenile; then its strength of
years, when it is solid and reduced; and, lastly, its old age, when
it waxeth dry and exhaust. But it is not good to look too long upon
these turning wheels of vicissitude, lest we become giddy; as for the
philology of them, that is but a circle of tales, and therefore not fit
for this writing.
APPENDIX TO ESSAYS.
I.—A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY OF FAME.[610]
The poets make fame a monster; they describe her in part finely and
elegantly, and in part gravely and sententiously; they say, Look, how
many feathers she hath, so many eyes she hath underneath, so many
tongues, so many voices, she pricks up so many ears!
This is a flourish: there follow excellent parables; as that she
gathereth strength in going; that she goeth upon the ground, and yet
hideth her head in the clouds; that in the daytime she sitteth in a
watch-tower, and flieth most by night; that she mingleth things done
with things not done; and that she is a terror to great cities; but
that which passeth all the rest is, they do recount that the Earth,
mother of the giants that made war against Jupiter, and were by him
destroyed, thereupon in anger brought forth Fame; for certain it is,
that rebels, figured by the giants, and seditious fames and libels,
are but brothers and sisters, masculine and feminine. But now, if
a man can tame this monster, and bring her to feed at the hand and
govern her, and with her fly other ravening fowl, and kill them, it is
somewhat worth; but we are infected with the style of the poets. To
speak now in a sad and serious manner, there is not in all the politics
a place less handled, and more worthy to be handled, than this of fame.
We will, therefore, speak of these points. What are false fames, and
what are true fames, and how they may be best discerned; how fames may
be sown and raised; how they may be spread and multiplied; and how they
may be checked and lay dead; and other things concerning the nature
of fame. Fame is of that force, as there is scarcely any great action
wherein it hath not a great part, especially in the war. Mucianus
undid Vitellius by a fame that he scattered, that Vitellius had in
purpose to remove the legions of Syria into Germany, and the legions
of Germany into Syria; whereupon the legions of Syria were infinitely
inflamed.[611] Julius Cæsar took Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his
industry and preparations by a fame that he cunningly gave out, how
Cæsar’s own soldiers loved him not; and being wearied with the wars,
and laden with the spoils of Gaul, would forsake him as soon as he came
into Italy.[612] Livia settled all things for the succession of her son
Tiberius, by continually giving out that her husband Augustus was upon
recovery and amendment;[613] and it is a usual thing with the bashaws
to conceal the death of the Grand Turk from the janizaries and men of
war, to save the sacking of Constantinople, and other towns, as their
manner is. Themistocles made Xerxes, king of Persia, post apace out
of Græcia, by giving out that the Grecians had a purpose to break his
bridge of ships which he had made athwart Hellespont.[614] There be a
thousand such like examples, and the more they are, the less they need
to be repeated, because a man meeteth with them everywhere; therefore,
let all wise governors have as great a watch and care over fames, as
they have of the actions and designs themselves.
II.—OF A KING.
1. A king is a mortal God on earth, unto whom the living God hath lent
his own name as a great honor; but withal told him, he should die like
a man, lest he should be proud and flatter himself, that God hath, with
his name, imparted unto him his nature also.
2. Of all kind of men, God is the least beholden unto them; for he doth
most for them, and they do, ordinarily, least for him.
3. A king that would not feel his crown too heavy for him, must wear
it every day; but if he think it too light, he knoweth not of what
metal it is made.
4. He must make religion the rule of government, and not to balance the
scale; for he that casteth in religion only to make the scales even,
his own weight is contained in those characters: “Mene, mene, tekel,
upharsin: He is found too light, his kingdom shall be taken from him.”
5. And that king that holds not religion the best reason of state, is
void of all piety and justice, the supporters of a king.
6. He must be able to give counsel himself, but not rely thereupon;
for though happy events justify their counsels, yet it is better that
the evil event of good advice be rather imputed to a subject than a
sovereign.
7. He is a fountain of honor, which should not run with a waste-pipe,
lest the courtiers sell the water, and then, as Papists say of their
holy wells, it loses the virtue.
8. He is the life of the law, not only as he is _Lex loquens_ himself,
but because he animateth the dead letter, making it active towards all
his subjects _præmio et pœna_.
9. A wise king must do less in altering his laws than he may; for new
government is ever dangerous. It being true in the body politic, as in
the corporal, that _omnis subita immutatio est periculosa_; and though
it be for the better, yet it is not without a fearful apprehension;
for he that changeth the fundamental laws of a kingdom, thinketh there
is no good title to a crown, but by conquest.
10. A king that setteth to sale seats of justice, oppresseth the
people; for he teacheth his judges to sell justice; and _pretio parata
pretio venditur justitia_.
11. Bounty and magnificence are virtues very regal, but a prodigal king
is nearer a tyrant than a parsimonious; for store at home draweth not
his contemplations abroad, but want supplieth itself of what is next,
and many times the next way. A king therein must be wise, and know what
he may justly do.
12. That king which is not feared, is not loved; and he that is well
seen in his craft, must as well study to be feared as loved; yet not
loved for fear, but feared for love.
13. Therefore, as he must always resemble Him whose great name he
beareth, and that as in manifesting the sweet influence of his mercy on
the severe stroke of his justice sometimes, so in this not to suffer
a man of death to live; for, besides that the land doth mourn, the
restraint of justice towards sin doth more retard the affection of
love, than the extent of mercy doth inflame it; and sure, where love is
[ill] bestowed, fear is quite lost.
14. His greatest enemies are his flatterers; for though they ever speak
on his side, yet their words still make against him.
15. The love which a king oweth to a weal public should not be
overstrained to any one particular; yet that his more especial favor do
reflect upon some worthy ones, is somewhat necessary, because there are
few of that capacity.
16. He must have a special care of five things, if he would not have
his crown to be but to him _infelix felicitas_.
First, that _simulata sanctitas_ be not in the church; for that is
_duplex iniquitas_.
Secondly, that _inutilis æquitas_ sit not in the chancery; for that is
_inepta misericordia_.
Thirdly, that _utilis iniquitas_ keep not the exchequer; for that is
_crudele latrocinium_.
Fourthly, that _fidelis temeritas_ be not his general; for that will
bring but _seram pœnitentiam_.
Fifthly, that _infidelis prudentia_ be not his secretary; for that is
_anguis sub viridi herbâ_.
To conclude: as he is of the greatest power, so he is subject to the
greatest cares, made the servant of his people, or else he were without
a calling at all.
He, then, that honoreth him not is next an atheist, wanting the fear of
God in his heart.
III.—ON DEATH.
1. I have often thought upon death, and I find it the least of all
evils. All that which is past is as a dream; and he that hopes or