About this book

Fifty years in Wall Street

Henry Clews

In this very active period of business reform overcapitalization is an evil that must be classed with rebates, railroad discrimination, and other corporate abuses. This also applies almost equally to both the industrial and railroad systems. However much this evil may have been regarded and thought inevitable in the past, owing to peculiar and lax conditions in the pioneer days of railroads and industrial upbuilding, it is intolerable now, and should be made impossible in the future. There is not the slightest doubt that a great deal of the public unrest has proceeded from this source. But, with the stoppage of the evil, it ought to subside. Overproduction of any kind is a detriment to trade and leads first to extravagance and then to disaster; overfeeding produces disease; overtraining of an athlete weakens him and causes his defeat; overstudy racks the nerves of the student and unfits him for usefulness. Overwork kills man and beast, and ruins even our locomotives and machinery. Too much rain, too much wind, and too much sunshine spoil our crops; too much confidence or too much caution prevents a business man from achieving success. There is a happy medium in all things which produces good results and promotes success. Under our modern system of financing our railroads and industrial corporations overcapitalization has in many instances run riot and produced an overplus of undigested securities. This system of financing will surely lead to disaster if not curbed and conducted in a rational manner. If a company needs additional funds for legitimate purposes, such capital is a necessity which stockholders will willingly provide; but the managers of corporations should be compelled to state exactly and definitely for what purpose such funds are needed, and should also be compelled to make a clear and definite report. Centralization of power in the hands of an able executive is a good idea if he prove worthy of the trust his colleagues confide in him, but, on the other hand, makes him a master, and them slaves, if he be unscrupulous and crafty. Happily, the days of overcapitalization are seemingly over, and an aroused public opinion will, no doubt, be expressed in whatever prohibitive laws are necessary, if those already enacted prove insufficient. In, at least, some instances the existing laws seem inadequate. It is likewise due to the sound corporations of the country, as well as to the public, that something further should be provided to overcome the feeling of suspicion toward them, and to keep the people informed as to their existing methods and the true condition of their affairs. The remedy for corporation wrongdoing is found in publicity! This publicity is the great need of the present and the future, and the public should demand it. It is a lamp that we should always keep burning. In a recent address delivered by me before the Wharton School of Finance of the University of Pennsylvania, I urged that the New York Legislature, as well as the Legislatures of the other States, should respond to the popular agitation for this publicity by passing laws requiring all corporations to make at least semi-annual reports of their condition, certified to by registered public accountants, with power invested in the State superintendents to order special examinations by such accountants at any time when deemed necessary, that is, whenever any of them were suspected of being unsound or irregular in their business methods. The question now to decide is what remedies can best be adopted to prevent a repetition of stock-watering. My plan is for the Government to appoint a salaried director in each of the interstate roads, this director to be on the executive committee also. His duty should be to act as a watchdog, and he should be required to report to the Interstate Commerce Commission all crooked acts or suspicions of any; besides which the interstate roads should be compelled by law to issue sworn statements of their exact condition semi-annually. Officials of railroad companies found guilty of any illegal acts whatsoever should be punished by imprisonment. Money penalties are of no use in stopping wrongs of wealthy corporations. Railroad discriminations and other abuses were incident and owing to our extraordinary development during the last half century, and especially to the striking failure of our Legislatures to keep pace with national progress. Let us briefly look into a few of the causes which were responsible for this railway abuse. Both before and after our recent Civil War this country was greatly in need of more railway transportation than it had, and national development was impossible without it. We had millions of square miles of territory rich in natural resources, but totally undeveloped and awaiting population, capital and transportation. Of course transportation had to be provided before either population or capital could venture with any freedom into the Great West. In those days it was vastly more difficult to raise $1,000,000 for a new railroad enterprise than it was to procure $100,000,000 in more recent times. The public was not accustomed to such ventures, and the country did not then contain the large number of wealthy men who must now be depended upon to back such great enterprises. In those days railroads required relatively large capital; the risks were new and great, and some means of securing large profits had to be devised in order to tempt men of means to venture into such enterprises, which from their very nature involved a long wait for profit. Our earliest railroad builders were men of unbounded faith in the future, and they well knew that many years of patience and outlay would be necessary before such enterprises could become profitable. It is almost axiomatic to say that in this country our railroads have been the principal factors in national progress. In the United States, railroads were called upon to develop both population and traffic. In Europe, population and traffic were already in existence and simply awaited the railroad. When railroad building first began, England was already a closely settled country; and it was only necessary to construct the lines to obtain profitable traffic at once. No special inducements were necessary for the attraction of capital, and no preliminary period of waiting or loss was required to develop traffic. It was vastly different here; railroads had to be built across thousands of miles of new country, frequently over apparently insurmountable mountains where neither traffic nor population existed; and their builders, men of monumental ability and enterprise, knew full well that a generation must pass before such enterprises could be considered profitable and solid investments. Under such conditions what inducements could be offered to overcome such overwhelming obstacles? While government aid was eagerly sought, it was restricted mainly to the Pacific roads where political reasons, such as unification of new territory, justified government support. Another form of national aid was the giving of large land grants to railroad corporations as a stimulus to the settlement of new territory and the building of roads adjacent thereto. Even those helps were insufficient. Meanwhile, the treasures of the Great West offered irresistible attractions to new enterprise and settlement. The demand for more railroads was insistent; then came the devices of stock-watering and overcapitalization as inducements to new capital. Roads were often built entirely on bonds; and stock, having little or no value except for voting, was given away as a bonus with the bonds, or used for various purposes, often in speculation, and such stock frequently found its way back to the original promoters at bargain if not waste-paper prices. This era of speculative railroad building was naturally accompanied by all sorts of illegitimate operations; overcapitalization bearing a leading part. No one would now dare think of resorting to such practices as were common in those pioneer days. They were utterly indefensible, and yet as an expedient they served their purposes in raising much of the capital with which to develop our early railroad systems. Our great railroad builders were fully entitled to great profits, since their boldness and skill developed the finest railroad systems the world has ever seen, and without them the United States would never have obtained its present magnificent position and prosperity. We must admit their methods were open to serious criticism, and would not be tolerated in these days of improved business standards. Nevertheless, they were the methods of the day, and must be judged as such. I do not wish to be understood as defending or apologizing for overcapitalization, for I consider it an economic evil of the most dangerous character, and its penalties—political as well as economic—cannot be averted. It should not be forgotten that the great wave of grangerism and anti-railroad agitation which swept this country in the ‘80s was a direct revulsion of popular feeling against the burdens of overcapitalization and their tax upon traffic. These were the political results of such abuses. The economic consequences which followed—somewhat late to be sure—were witnessed in the reconstruction period that followed the panic of 1873, when vast millions of railroad capital were literally wiped out by the reorganization of railway corporations. To-day most of our railroads are comparatively free of overcapitalization, both because much of the water has been eliminated by reorganizations, and because the increased value of terminals and other properties, as well as the large improvements that were paid for out of earnings, have increased the intrinsic value of shares which at one time may have been practically valueless. This process of accretion has been going on for many years, so that now there is comparatively little difference between intrinsic and market values. Of course, some recent striking departures from sound railroad financing can be cited; but I am speaking in broad terms, and have no hesitation whatever in asserting that American railroad investments are now sounder financially than any similar class of securities in the world, and this notwithstanding that railway companies are compelled to borrow enormous sums in order to meet the demands of a wonderfully expanding traffic. A comparison greatly in our favor could be made with British railroads which have for years been inflating their shares by a policy of charging improvements to capital account; the American system being to charge such items against earnings. The result is that British railroad shares, which were once held up to us as models of soundness and honest capitalization, are now seriously threatened with an excess of water; and unless the present policy is changed, English stockholders will soon be discarding their home favorites for the bonds and stocks of more soundly managed American railroads. I have dwelt considerably upon the overcapitalization of our railroads. Now a word about overcapitalization in another direction, where it is a vastly more serious affair. While we now have little to fear from overcapitalization of railroads, an inflation has taken place in our industrials of the most extravagant character, and this is one of the most serious menaces to our industrial and financial future. A feature of our national development which has attracted world-wide attention during the last ten years has been the consolidation of nearly all our great industries into a few “Trusts.” This era of consolidation, or “Trust-making,” must be classed as an industrial revolution of the