Fifty years in Wall Street
In this very active period of business reform overcapitalization is an
evil that must be classed with rebates, railroad discrimination, and
other corporate abuses. This also applies almost equally to both the
industrial and railroad systems. However much this evil may have been
regarded and thought inevitable in the past, owing to peculiar and lax
conditions in the pioneer days of railroads and industrial upbuilding,
it is intolerable now, and should be made impossible in the future.
There is not the slightest doubt that a great deal of the public unrest
has proceeded from this source. But, with the stoppage of the evil, it
ought to subside.
Overproduction of any kind is a detriment to trade and leads first to
extravagance and then to disaster; overfeeding produces disease;
overtraining of an athlete weakens him and causes his defeat; overstudy
racks the nerves of the student and unfits him for usefulness. Overwork
kills man and beast, and ruins even our locomotives and machinery. Too
much rain, too much wind, and too much sunshine spoil our crops; too
much confidence or too much caution prevents a business man from
achieving success. There is a happy medium in all things which produces
good results and promotes success. Under our modern system of financing
our railroads and industrial corporations overcapitalization has in many
instances run riot and produced an overplus of undigested securities.
This system of financing will surely lead to disaster if not curbed and
conducted in a rational manner. If a company needs additional funds for
legitimate purposes, such capital is a necessity which stockholders will
willingly provide; but the managers of corporations should be compelled
to state exactly and definitely for what purpose such funds are needed,
and should also be compelled to make a clear and definite report.
Centralization of power in the hands of an able executive is a good idea
if he prove worthy of the trust his colleagues confide in him, but, on
the other hand, makes him a master, and them slaves, if he be
unscrupulous and crafty.
Happily, the days of overcapitalization are seemingly over, and an
aroused public opinion will, no doubt, be expressed in whatever
prohibitive laws are necessary, if those already enacted prove
insufficient.
In, at least, some instances the existing laws seem inadequate. It is
likewise due to the sound corporations of the country, as well as to the
public, that something further should be provided to overcome the
feeling of suspicion toward them, and to keep the people informed as to
their existing methods and the true condition of their affairs.
The remedy for corporation wrongdoing is found in publicity! This
publicity is the great need of the present and the future, and the
public should demand it. It is a lamp that we should always keep
burning.
In a recent address delivered by me before the Wharton School of Finance
of the University of Pennsylvania, I urged that the New York
Legislature, as well as the Legislatures of the other States, should
respond to the popular agitation for this publicity by passing laws
requiring all corporations to make at least semi-annual reports of their
condition, certified to by registered public accountants, with power
invested in the State superintendents to order special examinations by
such accountants at any time when deemed necessary, that is, whenever
any of them were suspected of being unsound or irregular in their
business methods.
The question now to decide is what remedies can best be adopted to
prevent a repetition of stock-watering. My plan is for the Government to
appoint a salaried director in each of the interstate roads, this
director to be on the executive committee also. His duty should be to
act as a watchdog, and he should be required to report to the Interstate
Commerce Commission all crooked acts or suspicions of any; besides which
the interstate roads should be compelled by law to issue sworn
statements of their exact condition semi-annually. Officials of railroad
companies found guilty of any illegal acts whatsoever should be punished
by imprisonment. Money penalties are of no use in stopping wrongs of
wealthy corporations.
Railroad discriminations and other abuses were incident and owing to our
extraordinary development during the last half century, and especially
to the striking failure of our Legislatures to keep pace with national
progress.
Let us briefly look into a few of the causes which were responsible for
this railway abuse. Both before and after our recent Civil War this
country was greatly in need of more railway transportation than it had,
and national development was impossible without it. We had millions of
square miles of territory rich in natural resources, but totally
undeveloped and awaiting population, capital and transportation. Of
course transportation had to be provided before either population or
capital could venture with any freedom into the Great West. In those
days it was vastly more difficult to raise $1,000,000 for a new railroad
enterprise than it was to procure $100,000,000 in more recent times. The
public was not accustomed to such ventures, and the country did not then
contain the large number of wealthy men who must now be depended upon to
back such great enterprises.
In those days railroads required relatively large capital; the risks
were new and great, and some means of securing large profits had to be
devised in order to tempt men of means to venture into such enterprises,
which from their very nature involved a long wait for profit. Our
earliest railroad builders were men of unbounded faith in the future,
and they well knew that many years of patience and outlay would be
necessary before such enterprises could become profitable. It is almost
axiomatic to say that in this country our railroads have been the
principal factors in national progress. In the United States, railroads
were called upon to develop both population and traffic. In Europe,
population and traffic were already in existence and simply awaited the
railroad. When railroad building first began, England was already a
closely settled country; and it was only necessary to construct the
lines to obtain profitable traffic at once. No special inducements were
necessary for the attraction of capital, and no preliminary period of
waiting or loss was required to develop traffic. It was vastly different
here; railroads had to be built across thousands of miles of new
country, frequently over apparently insurmountable mountains where
neither traffic nor population existed; and their builders, men of
monumental ability and enterprise, knew full well that a generation must
pass before such enterprises could be considered profitable and solid
investments.
Under such conditions what inducements could be offered to overcome such
overwhelming obstacles? While government aid was eagerly sought, it was
restricted mainly to the Pacific roads where political reasons, such as
unification of new territory, justified government support. Another form
of national aid was the giving of large land grants to railroad
corporations as a stimulus to the settlement of new territory and the
building of roads adjacent thereto. Even those helps were insufficient.
Meanwhile, the treasures of the Great West offered irresistible
attractions to new enterprise and settlement. The demand for more
railroads was insistent; then came the devices of stock-watering and
overcapitalization as inducements to new capital. Roads were often built
entirely on bonds; and stock, having little or no value except for
voting, was given away as a bonus with the bonds, or used for various
purposes, often in speculation, and such stock frequently found its way
back to the original promoters at bargain if not waste-paper prices.
This era of speculative railroad building was naturally accompanied by
all sorts of illegitimate operations; overcapitalization bearing a
leading part. No one would now dare think of resorting to such practices
as were common in those pioneer days. They were utterly indefensible,
and yet as an expedient they served their purposes in raising much of
the capital with which to develop our early railroad systems.
Our great railroad builders were fully entitled to great profits, since
their boldness and skill developed the finest railroad systems the world
has ever seen, and without them the United States would never have
obtained its present magnificent position and prosperity. We must admit
their methods were open to serious criticism, and would not be tolerated
in these days of improved business standards. Nevertheless, they were
the methods of the day, and must be judged as such. I do not wish to be
understood as defending or apologizing for overcapitalization, for I
consider it an economic evil of the most dangerous character, and its
penalties—political as well as economic—cannot be averted.
It should not be forgotten that the great wave of grangerism and
anti-railroad agitation which swept this country in the ‘80s was a
direct revulsion of popular feeling against the burdens of
overcapitalization and their tax upon traffic. These were the political
results of such abuses. The economic consequences which
followed—somewhat late to be sure—were witnessed in the reconstruction
period that followed the panic of 1873, when vast millions of railroad
capital were literally wiped out by the reorganization of railway
corporations.
To-day most of our railroads are comparatively free of
overcapitalization, both because much of the water has been eliminated
by reorganizations, and because the increased value of terminals and
other properties, as well as the large improvements that were paid for
out of earnings, have increased the intrinsic value of shares which at
one time may have been practically valueless. This process of accretion
has been going on for many years, so that now there is comparatively
little difference between intrinsic and market values. Of course, some
recent striking departures from sound railroad financing can be cited;
but I am speaking in broad terms, and have no hesitation whatever in
asserting that American railroad investments are now sounder financially
than any similar class of securities in the world, and this
notwithstanding that railway companies are compelled to borrow enormous
sums in order to meet the demands of a wonderfully expanding traffic.
A comparison greatly in our favor could be made with British railroads
which have for years been inflating their shares by a policy of charging
improvements to capital account; the American system being to charge
such items against earnings. The result is that British railroad shares,
which were once held up to us as models of soundness and honest
capitalization, are now seriously threatened with an excess of water;
and unless the present policy is changed, English stockholders will soon
be discarding their home favorites for the bonds and stocks of more
soundly managed American railroads.
I have dwelt considerably upon the overcapitalization of our railroads.
Now a word about overcapitalization in another direction, where it is a
vastly more serious affair. While we now have little to fear from
overcapitalization of railroads, an inflation has taken place in our
industrials of the most extravagant character, and this is one of the
most serious menaces to our industrial and financial future. A feature
of our national development which has attracted world-wide attention
during the last ten years has been the consolidation of nearly all our
great industries into a few “Trusts.” This era of consolidation, or
“Trust-making,” must be classed as an industrial revolution of the