Fifty years in Wall Street
Being now myself optimistic, I look on the sunny side and hope for the
best. It is, however, a time for conservatism, and while trusting in
Providence, it is well to keep our powder dry. It is a good time to
cultivate the virtue of patience, and make haste slowly until all the
aftermath of the panic, in the way of liquidation and the elimination of
unsound timber from business structures, is completed.
This will leave everything in the financial and industrial world
stronger than before. It will also leave us with a higher standard of
business morality resulting from the exposure of looting and other
illegal practices and abuses of power in the management of large
corporations. The stoppage of the evil of rebating by the railroads is
of itself a great gain in this respect, and for this we have to thank
President Roosevelt.
As to the future, Pittsburg and the iron and steel trade should be the
first to feel improvement in the general business of the country, for
iron is still the best barometer of the times, as it leads all other
industries in both depression and recovery, and what an eventful history
Pittsburg can point to, the world knows.
It was at Pittsburg that the Bessemer process was first applied to steel
making in America, and the giant strides in the industry that followed
its supersedure of the open-hearth process not only astonished ourselves
but all Europe. It was a new departure on a grand scale, this
application of science to mechanical methods, a revelation that was
marvellous in the trade expansion and wealth it produced.
Yet it is not improbable that before long, if not immediately, the
Bessemer process by which this immense development was achieved will be
very generally superseded by the open-hearth process of steel making,
which originated and had its early development in this country. Thus in
the whirligig of time it will displace the Bessemer process, by which it
was itself displaced. This, as you are of course aware, is owing to
improvements, chiefly by Talbott, an American engineer, in the
open-hearth process, which for a long time has been considered almost
out of the race in competition with the Bessemer process. This reminds
us that history repeats itself.
The open-hearth process has now been brought to such perfection that its
superiority over the Bessemer process is declared by many in the trade
to be established. Thus practice makes perfect, and time works wonders.
Its superiority over the Bessemer process is said to have been
particularly demonstrated in dealing with ores of any but a very low
phosphorus grade. This American improvement in the open-hearth process
has been already widely recognized and adopted in England, and we are in
this way repaying the debt we owed to that country for the Bessemer
process.
The steel manufactured in the United States last year aggregated
23,246,000 tons, of which 12,275,000 tons were by the Bessemer process
and 10,971,000 tons by the open-hearth process. There were also some
other varieties of production, copied from processes in use on the
European Continent, but the general drift, I am informed, is now towards
the open-hearth process.
Out of Pittsburg, of course, I should not talk so much about steel, but
iron and steel are Pittsburg’s bread and butter. This reminds me that
apart from agriculture the principal sources of our national wealth are
minerals and manufacturing. Mining and manufacturing are primary and
fundamental industries. Our agricultural income last year, according to
the United States census estimates, was about seven thousand millions of
dollars, while the metals mined were valued at about two thousand
millions, against $1,902,517,565 in 1906.
This metallic product for the year, it is estimated, was turned by
manufacturing it into materials having a market value of fifteen
thousand millions of dollars. If we add that of agriculture, the
metallic products, and manufacturing, together, we have a total
valuation for the year of twenty-four thousand millions of dollars. The
fertility of our natural resources is here shown by their rapid rate of
development. But this, while contributing so largely to our present
national wealth, is not an unmixed good. We should always bear in mind
that the more we take out of the earth, and the more we strip our
forests of timber, the less we have remaining. In forestry, however, we
are now preparing for the future by replanting, but we cannot replant
minerals.
The mineral products of this country have more than trebled since 1890;
more than doubled since 1899; and are more than five fold what they were
in 1880. From 1900 to 1906 our mineral product increased at a rate
representing a hundred and ninety millions a year.
I am quoting these statistics as a reminder of the vastness of our
natural resources, and the recuperative power of the nation, which is
one of the most encouraging features of the national situation. These
resources are the backbone of the country’s greatness; and those who can
see nothing cheerful in the outlook and to whom everything at times
looks as blue as indigo, will do well to think of them, for they are
Nature’s national banks, that can never fail, and unfailing sources of
our national prosperity.
It was these resources, in the form of exports to foreign countries,
that enabled us to purchase and pay for—without borrowing or asking
favors—the one hundred millions of gold that we imported to relieve the
crisis. Here was indisputable evidence of the large international trade
balance in our favor, and of our monetary and commercial independence of
the rest of the world; and this gold we still hold, although in the
ordinary course of commerce we may reasonably export some of it before
long, for we have plenty to spare and money is superabundant at two per
cent on call in Wall Street. Meanwhile our exports of produce and other
merchandise continue extremely heavy, and they were never heavier than
during the crisis, that is, in the last three months of 1907, while in
January, 1908, they rose to a total value of one hundred and
twenty-eight millions, or $17,742,352 more than in January, 1907. This
is all the more favorable because our imports since the crisis have very
largely decreased. In our January exports, cotton alone represented
$76,687,508 of the total, and breadstuffs $24,463,503.
As to our national finances and the defects of our currency system,
there is much that calls for reform, but there seems to be little or no
prospect at this session of Congress of the passage of a comprehensive
financial measure, although it is a remedy we need. We shall therefore
have to rest content for the time being with the much amended emergency
currency measure, familiar to us as the Aldrich Bill. This provides only
for the issue of a maximum of five hundred millions of currency by the
Government to the national banks, to ward off a panic or mitigate its
effects, the banks to pay six per cent interest per annum for whatever
they take of this emergency currency, and give security in acceptable
railway, municipal and other bonds for it to the Treasury.
So far, so good. I am, therefore, strongly in favor of the Aldrich
measure as a panic remedy, naturally so as I originated the fundamental
part of it. It will do much to prevent panics, and will effectually stop
the hoarding of currency that accompanies them, for what inducement
would there be to hoard it when a supply of five hundred millions of new
currency would be open to the banks? There could be no extreme scarcity
of money then; nothing in any way approaching the stringency that not
only New York but the whole United States suffered under in the last
three months of 1907.
Yet the great remedy, the comprehensive financial reform measure we need
will be ultimately passed by Congress, and its provisions will include
the modification of the Sub-Treasury system, which has always been a
source of much mischief through locking up Government money received for
Customs duties and internal revenue taxes, that ought to be kept in
circulation. The proposition, however, to establish a central national
bank in New York, or anywhere else, as a substitute for it, is to be
strongly deprecated. It would be a rich plum for those who controlled
it, but would excite the jealousy and hostility of all the other banks.
Moreover, such a bank would in effect be a revival of the old United
States Bank, against which, and the scandals and corruption connected
with it, President Jackson made war so vigorously as to force it into
liquidation. The second experiment of a United States bank was no less
involved in scandal and no less a failure than the first, and in each
case there was the same inglorious end, compulsory liquidation. Both,
too, were used as political machines, and guilty of favoritism and many
abuses of power, and a new central bank would give us another big
political and speculative machine, liable to the same evils and
objections. Therefore all bankers should resolutely oppose a central
bank. It would not be a remedy for any of the evils complained of, but,
instead, furnish us with a new complication.
While we can hardly expect any fundamental changes in our currency
system at present, one improvement might easily be made in it by
Congress at once, and that is by the removal of restrictions on the
amount of national bank notes taken out or canceled per month, as well
as by establishing a bank-note redemption bureau at every United States
Sub-Treasury, so as to save the delay and expense of sending to and from
the Redemption Bureau at Washington, that all the national banks are now
subjected to. As a minor remedy this should be urged upon Congress.
Turning to the United States bonds pledged with the Treasury to secure
the national bank notes, we all know that they are as good as gold, if
not better, but still they are evidences of debt, and it is a false
economic principle to issue currency on such a basis. Moreover, it is
costly for the Government, for it practically and permanently prevents
it, in the interest of the national banks, from redeeming the bonds
deposited to secure national bank notes, out of its surplus income.
Still it has great merit in giving us a safe and sound bank currency.
Ultimately this system, born of the civil war, will be superseded by a
better one, but this will doubtless be done in a manner which will not
interfere with or impair vested interests.
Owing to the short time now left of this session of Congress, nothing
more than the “Aldrich” bill can possibly be enacted at this time. Its
simplicity is a recommendation to Congress. But, nevertheless, Congress
should later pass a permanent currency bill, a bill which will settle
every question as to the finances of the nation, at once and for a
century to come. Such a bill is possible, and in fact it would be the
simplest kind of measure for the Government to adopt—one to provide for
just the kind of currency, and the amount of currency the business of
the nation, the banks, and the people should have; one to provide for a
perfectly elastic currency without creating the slightest depreciation
of money or danger of loss to banks or Government. It should provide a
perfect way of obtaining money to move the crops, and furnish an
all-sufficient means of preventing or breaking panics. It should make
the money of the United States still more current and acceptable in all
parts of the world. This would make the nation greater in the eyes of
other nations, and give the United States Treasury a proper command of
the commerce and finances of the world, within ten years after being put
into operation.
All the Government need do to effect such change in the finances of the