About this book

Fifty years in Wall Street

Henry Clews

Please convey to his Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Japan, my sincere thanks for bestowing upon me, as a token of his good will, the Imperial decoration of Commandeur of the most distinguished order of the Rising Sun. No words of mine can fitly express my high appreciation of this honor, and I shall always value the distinction as one of the greatest that it has been my good fortune to achieve. I consider it a symbol of the friendly relations existing between Japan and the United States—a friendship which, I assure you, I shall endeavor to foster and promote to the best of my ability. With many thanks to his Imperial Majesty for the honor conferred upon me, of which I am justly proud, and to your Excellency for your kind offices in my behalf, I have the honor to remain, Most sincerely yours, (Signed) HENRY CLEWS. HIS EXCELLENCY COUNT TADASU HAYASHI, MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN. The following letter from Prince, then Marquis, Ito is interesting as a part of the world’s history, and shows the feeling and friendship of that great statesman: TOKYO, April 14, 1904. DEAR SIR: In answer to your letter of February 17th, let me first of all thank you most sincerely for the constant sympathy you have shown to our country’s cause. Your friendly efforts on the occasion of the Chino-Japanese war are still fresh in my memory and in the memory of all those who have heard of them. And, in general, the sympathetic attitude of public opinion of your country is a great encouragement to us in our faith that in fighting for our own future security and undisturbed enjoyment of the fruits of civilization, we are to a certain extent fighting also for the common cause of all. Just as you say, the supremacy of Russia in Corea would mean not only a constant menace to the very existence of our island empire, but would also mean the wholesale destruction of our commercial and industrial interests already legitimately vested there in the past, not to mention the loss of natural outlet for our expanding people. The constant policy of Russia in this part of the globe has steadily inclined toward monopolization of natural resources of the country she conquers and annexes. Her Manchurian policy is the irrefutable evidence of the above statement. So that in fighting for our own interests we are at the same time fighting for the principle of “fair competition all around” in these new markets of the world. I am indeed very sorry that the negotiations carried on on our side, with sincere “bona-fide,” were not crowned with success so earnestly desired. If the Russian Government were a little more inspired by the spirit of moderation and of toleration for the legitimate interests of others things would not have come to this pass. As it was, there remained no other way for us but to try to enforce by arms what we could not do by reason. And we had to do so ere it would have become too late, for Russia was steadily and rapidly augmenting her fighting forces available in this part of her empire, so that before long the sheer mass of her fighting power would have made it a folly for us to attempt to resist the unscrupulous march onward. It has been nothing but a coolly thought-out step in the cause of State necessity. And I am much gratified to see that you as well as the general public opinion of your country, have understood our motives in their true light. Hoping that you are enjoying as robust a health as when I saw you last in New York, and also hoping to be able to see you again in no distant future, I remain, yours sincerely, (Signed) MARQUIS H. ITO. HENRY CLEWS, ESQ., New York City, U. S. A. The following article, which I wrote at the time for one of our leading magazines, contains matter which may be instructive to my readers: May 24, 1904. The success of the Japanese in the present war with Russia is due to their great zeal. What they undertake to do, they generally do with great earnestness of purpose, which calls forth sacrifice, energy, courage, and determination. The concentration of all these qualities is the basis of success in all undertakings whether large or small. The success of the Japanese is easily accounted for also by the fact that they love their Emperor as a people—they are willing to fight for him and to die for him, added to which, they are fatalists and are not afraid to face death on the battle-field, because they firmly believe that the next world is better than this, and therefore to die in a good cause, especially in fighting for the salvation of their country, secures a high and honorable position there. Against these characteristics, which back the Japanese in the present war, their antagonists, the Russians, fear their Emperor, and under the autocratic rule of the nation soldiers are very often put into the army through force and kept there. There is a vast difference, therefore, on the battlefield, in the fighting qualities of soldiers who are backed by love of their Emperor and soldiers who are backed by fear of their Emperor. Then again, the discipline of the Japanese soldiers is of a more intelligent and up-to-date order than that of the Russians. Each regiment in Japan is composed of 400 men with a captain in command who carries a sword. Their training provides that if anything should happen to the captain, and his sword should fall to the ground, it must be taken up on the instant by the next in rank, and if anything should happen to him, the next in rotation takes his place, and so on all the way through to the last man; and each man to the end of the 400 is capable of picking up the sword and commanding with it, which also means to continue the fight until the last man in each regiment is killed or disabled; in other words, the fight is never to be given up except by total extinction. As an evidence of the interest and earnestness of the Japanese people, it is customary, amongst the trades-people, whenever a family that they have been supplying with the necessaries of life is deprived of the father of the family, in consequence of his going to the war, to continue to supply all their needs the same as before and without sending any bill therefor. It is pretty difficult, therefore, for the Russians, notwithstanding that they so largely outnumber the Japanese, to whip such a determined, forceful people either on land or sea. There is scarcely an important college anywhere in the world in which Japanese students are not to be found studying for all vocations, and they are bent upon acquiring the best and most up-to-date methods in all walks of life. Admiral Togo was educated at Annapolis, and the American, English, and Continental colleges have educated many of Japan’s best army and navy officers now engaged in the war. The Japanese are not given much to invention, but they possess great discernment and discrimination; they know a good thing when they see it, and are very skilful in imitation. Fifty years ago, when Commodore Perry successfully negotiated for the opening of the Japanese ports, that nation’s intercourse with the outside world commenced. A few years thereafter a commission was appointed to frame a constitution. This commission visited all the great nations in pursuit of information. They familiarized themselves with the American constitution and the basis of the government of other nations; they culled the best from all and put it into their constitution. It took them seven years to accomplish it. When they made their report to the Emperor he accepted it without any modifications whatsoever, and notwithstanding the great changes that have taken place in that country in consequence of its growth and development, there has been no occasion up to this date to in any way change that document. They also appointed thirty-five years ago a commission, with the present great statesman, Marquis of Ito, at its head, to visit the various nations with a view of obtaining the best information possible in order to establish a financial system. On their trip around the world to study the various foreign financial systems with a view of adopting one up to date for Japan, they first came to this country and brought official letters to General Grant, then President. General Grant turned them over to me to teach them our financial system. I posted them up thoroughly on our financial methods. They then went to England, France, and Germany, and returned to Japan via the Suez Canal. On their return, their report strongly favored the adoption of the American system. It was accepted by the Government, and their Secretary of the Treasury appointed me their agent to get up the engraving of their new currency and bonds, similar to those of the United States Government. I sent the phraseology and denominations of all our different demand notes and various bonds to them, and they transferred the same into their own hieroglyphics and sent them to me. I had the same beautifully steel engraved through the Continental Bank Note Company, who were the lowest bidders, in competition for the work. Since that time I have kept up a most interesting and exceedingly friendly acquaintance and correspondence with Marquis Ito, and his recent letter to me contained much of interest, as it gave most excellent reasons for Japan being involved in the present war, which he said was not from his country’s desire, but through necessity, as a matter of defense. ------------------------------------------------------------------------ CHAPTER LXXXIX. THE NATIONAL CORPORATION PROBLEM.[13] Footnote 13: An address by Henry Clews, LL.D., delivered at the First Annual Banquet of the Economic Club of Manchester, New Hampshire, May 20, 1908. _Mr. President and Members of the Economic Club_: The political and popular clamor against the industrial Trusts, with which we have been long familiar, was due primarily to the anti-monopoly sentiment of the people, but in a far greater degree to the crushing of competitors, through unlawful and unjust methods, by some of the conspicuously large corporations, as Government prosecutions have shown. Hence public hostility to the Trusts increased, and remedial legislation was called for. The general feeling was that as a Trust had neither a body to be kicked nor a soul to be damned it should be handled by the law without gloves, and with the utmost rigor. The exposure of the railway rebating evil by which competition had been destroyed, and great monopolies built up resulting in colossal fortunes for their principal owners, added fuel to the fire of this indignation; and similar abuses and unlawful practices by certain Trusts showed how strong combinations of capital had preyed upon, and killed off, weaker ones, and individual traders, to an extent that made the injustice of it a national scandal.