Fifty years in Wall Street
The question to be decided then was whether Johnson was serving out
Lincoln’s unexpired term, or whether he was President _de facto_. Judge
Curtis took the latter ground, and argued, therefore, that Stanton’s
term had expired.
At the conclusion of the trial, the Senate was addressed against the
President by General John A. Logan and Mr. Boutwell. Thaddeus Stevens
attempted to read a speech, but was too weak. He handed his manuscript
to General Butler, who read it to the Senate, but it fell comparatively
flat. The Hon. Thomas Williams, of Pennsylvania, read a speech in favor
of impeachment, which was well received. The case on behalf of the
Senate was summed up by Hon. John A. Bingham, who arrayed all the
charges against the President in a very strong and unfavorable light.
His concluding sentences were, “I ask you, Senators, how long men would
deliberate upon the question whether a private citizen arraigned at the
bar of one of your private tribunals of justice, for criminal violation
of law, should be permitted to interpose a plea in justification of his
criminal act that his only purpose was to interpret the Constitution and
laws for himself; that he violated the law in the exercise of his
prerogative to test it hereafter, at such day as might suit his own
convenience, in the courts of justice? Surely, Senators, it is as
competent for the private citizen to interpose such justification in
answer to his crime as it is for the President of the United States to
interpose it, and for the simple reason that the Constitution is no
respecter of persons, and vests neither in the President nor in the
private citizen judicial power. For the Senate to sustain any such plea
would, in my judgment, be a gross violation of the already violated
constitution and laws of a free people.”
The speech of “Our own Evarts” was the _chef d’œuvre_ of his life, and
probably did much to help the President’s narrow escape. As it was, he
was only saved from impeachment by one vote, namely, that of Mr. Ross,
of Kansas.
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CHAPTER XXIX.
THE DIX CONVENTION.
HOW THE WAR DEMOCRAT, GENERAL DIX, WAS ELECTED GOVERNOR BY THE
REPUBLICAN PARTY.—THE CANDIDATES OF SENATOR CONKLING REJECTED.—HOW
DIX WAS SPRUNG ON THE CONVENTION, TO THE CONSTERNATION OF THE
CAUCUS.—JUDGE ROBERTSON’S DISAPPOINTMENT.—EXCITING SCENES IN THE
CONVENTION.—GENERAL DIX DECLINES THE NOMINATION, BUT RECONSIDERS AND
ACCEPTS ON THE ADVICE OF HIS WIFE AND GENERAL GRANT.—HOW DIX’S
ELECTION ENSURED GRANT’S SECOND TERM AS PRESIDENT.
Among the political events of the last quarter of a century in which I
took an active part, in common with some other Wall Street men, I think
the Utica Convention, at which General Dix was nominated for Governor of
this State, is entitled to special notice, particularly on account of
its effect upon national politics.
I was a delegate to that Convention. Just as I was stepping from the
train to the platform at Utica I was met by a gentleman who introduced
himself to me as the Private Secretary of Senator Conkling. He said he
came to convey an invitation to me from the Senator to be his guest
during my stay in that city. He escorted me to the carriage in waiting,
and I was taken to the palatial mansion of the Senator. I was the only
resident guest during my stay—an honor which I highly appreciated.
Several gentlemen were invited that evening to dinner, amongst whom were
Hon. Chester A. Arthur, A. B. Cornell, Wm. Orton and General Sharpe.
At the conclusion of a sumptuous repast the subject matter relating to
the Convention was introduced by Senator Conkling. The Senator turned to
me and said: “Mr. Clews, why would not George Opdyke be the best man for
Governor?” Mr. Opdyke and Senator Conkling had always been on excellent
terms, and a few weeks previously this aspirant for Gubernatorial honors
had been a guest at the house of the Senator, and General Grant had been
there at the same time. It was apparent, therefore, that Mr. Opdyke had
gained special recognition from the Senator as his candidate for
Governor, and that the choice had been sanctioned by General Grant. So
the visit of these two distinguished guests seemed to indicate that the
matter had been virtually, harmoniously and finally arranged, simply
awaiting the official approval of the Convention. Hence, the point of
the Senator’s inquiry directed to myself.
I replied: “Senator, I have a very high regard for Mr. Opdyke, as a man
of great ability, as well as a brother banker, but as we have, all of
us, a greater interest in what is to be done at this Convention, with a
view of re-electing General Grant, we must, in my judgment, sacrifice
all other interests thereto. Looking at the matter from that point of
view, I am bound to say, therefore, that George Opdyke is not our best
man. As you remember, he was Mayor of the city of New York at the time
of the great riots of 1863, which was the most critical period of the
country’s existence, and it was generally understood that in his
official capacity he showed the white feather. While I admit that the
excitement at the time was calculated to intimidate some of the
strongest hearts, still, Mr. Opdyke, as Chief Magistrate of the city,
was supposed to be equal to the emergency, and to meet it with firmness,
irrespective of personal danger. He was expected to be equal to the task
of ordinary self sacrifice in such a position, and he did not come up to
popular expectation.
“And you will recollect, Senator,” I continued, “that your own
brother-in-law, that able, worthy and popular man, Hon. Horatio Seymour,
was so far carried away by his predilections then, that he addressed the
crowd of peace-breakers as ‘friends.’ I confess that when a man like him
was so pronounced on that side it was a difficult matter for a Mayor to
have backbone enough to withstand the pressure. But public opinion is
not in the habit of making such fine distinctions to excuse want of
courage.
“If this is not an ample reason,” I said, “I can give you another, which
should be sufficient to determine that Mr. Opdyke is not our best man at
this time. He is young enough, however, and may be available at a future
period, when the asperities associated with these troublous times have
been fully smoothed down. During the war Mr. Opdyke had the misfortune
to be a special partner in a clothing manufacturing firm which had
received a contract from the Government to make clothing for the poor
fellows who were fighting our battles for the salvation of the country.
The clothing made by this firm was rejected on account of the
inferiority of the material, and this is said to have been the first
application of the term ‘shoddy’ to army clothing in this country.”
Mr. Conkling seemed to be amazed at my statement, and admitted that his
protegé would not do. He felt considerably embarrassed in regard to his
position with reference to Mr. Opdyke. He said, “Mr. Opdyke is here and
expects the nomination. Some one ought to tell him to withdraw.”
Thereupon Mr. A. B. Cornell volunteered to undertake this delicate duty.
He promptly performed it, and afterwards reported that the work had been
accomplished. He said that Mr. Opdyke at once consented to comply with
the modest request, but was so mad about it that he had left the city by
the first train for home, being unwilling to remain for the convention.
Prior to his departure, however, he had advised the Hon. W. H.
Robertson, who was the next prominent candidate, of his withdrawal, and
of the support of his constituency so far as his name could control it.
Mr. Robertson, who had been prominent in the preliminary canvass, was
gratified at this turn of affairs, and encouraged by his new accession
of strength. He was quick to embrace the opportunity now left open, as
there were no other candidates whom he feared. So the whole of that
night he worked arduously and faithfully for the object in view.
When I left the Conkling mansion next morning, after breakfast, I
mingled freely with the delegates, and found, from the efforts made the
previous night, that the nomination of Judge Robertson was a foregone
conclusion, and the candidate himself was sure of it. The Robertson boom
had become suddenly popular. In fact, it was in the air.
I was invited to General Arthur’s parlors, where the caucus had its
headquarters. It was customary with General Arthur, in those days, to
take parlors for that purpose at State Conventions. I found the rooms
filled with distinguished members of the party, and it was assumed by
all that Robertson was the candidate for Governor; it was also proposed
that we should march in a body to his hotel, to congratulate him, and to
assure him of the fact that we were all for him. I declined to be of the
number on that mission, to the great chagrin of some of my friends. When
asked for my reasons, I said that I had no feeling of personal hostility
towards Mr. Robertson, but as the New York _Times_ had not been pleased
with his conduct while State Senator, and had severely criticized him
thereafter, I felt satisfied that under no circumstances could we rely
upon the _Times_ to support our ticket if he were at the head of it; and
as that was the only paper in New York that we had to fight our battles
then, it was all important that we should nominate a ticket that would
not be antagonistic to it, in order that we might have its endorsement
and full co-operation.
The rest of the gentlemen went to pay their respects to Judge Robertson,
as pre-arranged, and during their absence I went to the telegraph office
and sent the following message to General John A. Dix, to his residence
at 3 West Twenty-first street, New York:
You are favored by many of the delegates for Governor. If
nominated will you accept? For the sake of the country, answer
in the affirmative.
“HENRY CLEWS.”
To this I received the following:
“I have telegraphed your dispatch to West Hampton, where my
father now is.
“Aug. 21 1872.
“JOHN W. DIX.”
A short time afterwards the Convention met, and the name of Robertson
was presented. The management had been so ably conducted since the
departure of Mr. Opdyke, that there seemed to be an overwhelming hurrah
in favor of Robertson, though it was evident that many of the delegates
did not know why they cheered, except by force of imitation. The
Convention at first, as has been the case on many similar
occasions—except that there never was any occasion precisely similar to
this one—did not seem to know its own mind, and was apparently well in
hand by the management. Several most laudatory speeches were made in
favor of Robertson, which placed him on the very pinnacle of popularity
with the Convention, as manifested by the cheering and wild hurrahs with
which the speeches were received. The management was thoroughly
convinced that the popular tide had begun to flow in favor of their
candidate, beyond the possibility of ebbing until it carried him to
port, and there was probably no man in that enthusiastic audience more
fully convinced of the fact than Robertson himself.
Several other nominations were made, but that of Robertson overshadowed
them all.
When the gavel was about to descend on the choice of the people, as
expressed through their intelligent representatives by every sign of
enthusiastic approval, the audience being almost exhausted with this
high pressure of excitement, and when it was just prepared to relapse
into a more thoughtful and deliberate mood, I sprung General Dix on the