France and England in North America, Part III: La Salle, Discovery of The Great West
know the country or its inhabitants. They saw no insuperable difficulty
in mustering and keeping together fifteen thousand of the most wayward
and unstable savages on earth, split into a score and more of tribes,
some hostile to each other and some to the French; nor in the problem of
feeding such a mob, on a march of hundreds of miles; nor in the plan of
drawing four thousand of them from the Illinois, nearly two thousand
miles distant, though some of these intended allies had no canoes or
other means of transportation, and though, travelling in such numbers,
they would infallibly starve on the way to the rendezvous. It is
difficult not to see in all this the chimera of an overwrought brain, no
longer able to distinguish between the possible and the impossible.
Preparation dragged slowly on; the season was growing late; the King
grew impatient, and found fault with the naval intendant. Meanwhile, the
various members of the expedition had all gathered at Rochelle. Joutel,
a fellow-townsman of La Salle, returning to his native Rouen, after
sixteen years in the army, found all astir with the new project. His
father had been gardener to Henri Cavelier, La Salle's uncle; and being
of an adventurous spirit he volunteered for the enterprise, of which he
was to become the historian. With La Salle's brother the priest, and
two of his nephews, one of whom was a boy of fourteen, Joutel set out
for Rochelle, where all were to embark together for their promised
land.[276]
[Sidenote: A PARTING LETTER.]
La Salle wrote a parting letter to his mother at Rouen:--
Rochelle, 18 July, 1684.
Madame my Most Honored Mother,--
At last, after having waited a long time for a favourable wind, and
having had a great many difficulties to overcome, we are setting sail
with four vessels, and nearly four hundred men on board. Everybody is
well, including little Colin and my nephew. We all have good hope of a
happy success. We are not going by way of Canada, but by the Gulf of
Mexico. I passionately wish, and so do we all, that the success of this
voyage may contribute to your repose and comfort. Assuredly, I shall
spare no effort that it may; and I beg you, on your part, to preserve
yourself for the love of us.
You need not be troubled by the news from Canada, which are nothing but
the continuation of the artifices of my enemies. I hope to be as
successful against them as I have been thus far, and to embrace you a
year hence with all the pleasure that the most grateful of children can
feel with so good a mother as you have always been. Pray let this hope,
which shall not disappoint you, support you through whatever trials may
happen, and be sure that you will always find me with a heart full of
the feelings which are due to you.
Madame my Most Honored Mother, from your most humble and most obedient
servant and son,
De la Salle.
My brother, my nephews, and all the others greet you, and take their
leave of you.
This memorable last farewell has lain for two hundred years among the
family papers of the Caveliers.[277]
FOOTNOTES:
[262] _Lettres de l'Abbé Tronson, 8 Avril, 10 Avril, 1684_ (Margry, ii.
354).
[263] _Lettres du Roy et du Ministre sur la Navigation du Golfe du
Mexique, 1669-1682_ (Margry, iii. 3-14).
[264] _Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle, pour rendre compte à Monseigneur
de Seignelay de la découverte qu'il a faite par l'ordre de sa Majesté._
[265] This name, also given to the Illinois, is used to designate Red
River on the map of Franquelin, where the forests above mentioned are
represented.
[266] _Mémoire du Sr. de la Salle sur l'Entreprise qu'il a proposé à
Monseigneur le Marquis de Seignelay sur une des provinces de Mexique._
[267] Both the memorial and the map represent the banks of Red River as
inhabited by Indians, called Terliquiquimechi, and known to the
Spaniards as _Indios bravos_, or _Indios de guerra_. The Spaniards, it
is added, were in great fear of them, as they made frequent inroads into
Mexico. La Salle's Mexican geography was in all respects confused and
erroneous; nor was Seignelay better informed. Indeed, Spanish jealousy
placed correct information beyond their reach.
[268] While the plan, as proposed in the memorial, was clearly
impracticable, the subsequent experience of the French in Texas tended
to prove that the tribes of that region could be used with advantage in
attacking the Spaniards of Mexico, and that an inroad on a comparatively
small scale might have been successfully made with their help. In 1689,
Tonty actually made the attempt, as we shall see, but failed, from the
desertion of his men. In 1697, the Sieur de Louvigny wrote to the
Minister of the Marine, asking to complete La Salle's discoveries, and
invade Mexico from Texas. (_Lettre de M. de Louvigny, 14 Oct., 1697._)
In an unpublished memoir of the year 1700, the seizure of the Mexican
mines is given as one of the motives of the colonization of Louisiana.
[269] Another scheme, with similar aims, but much more practicable, was
at this very time before the court. Count Peñalossa, a Spanish Creole,
born in Peru, had been governor of New Mexico, where he fell into a
dispute with the Inquisition, which involved him in the loss of
property, and for a time of liberty. Failing to obtain redress in Spain,
he renounced his allegiance in disgust, and sought refuge in France,
where, in 1682, he first proposed to the King the establishment of a
colony of French buccaneers at the mouth of Rio Bravo, on the Gulf of
Mexico. In January, 1684, after the war had broken out, he proposed to
attack the Spanish town of Panuco, with twelve hundred buccaneers from
St. Domingo; then march into the interior, seize the mines, conquer
Durango, and occupy New Mexico. It was proposed to combine his plan with
that of La Salle; but the latter, who had an interview with him,
expressed distrust, and showed characteristic reluctance to accept a
colleague. It is extremely probable, however, that his knowledge of
Peñalossa's original proposal had some influence in stimulating him to
lay before the court proposals of his own, equally attractive. Peace was
concluded before the plans of the Spanish adventurer could be carried
into effect.
[270] _Lettre du Roy à La Barre, Versailles, 10 Avril, 1684._
[271] _Lettre du Roy à De Meules, Versailles, 14 Avril, 1684._ Seignelay
wrote to De Meules to the same effect.
[272] On La Forest's mission,--_Mémoire pour representer à Monseigneur
le Marquis de Seignelay la nécessité d'envoyer le Sr. de la Forest en
diligence à la Nouvelle France; Lettre du Roy à La Barre, 14 Avril,
1684; Ibid., 31 Oct., 1684._
There is before me a promissory note of La Salle to La Forest, of 5,200
livres, dated at Rochelle, 17 July, 1684. This seems to be pay due to La
Forest, who had served as La Salle's officer for nine years. A
memorandum is attached, signed by La Salle, to the effect that it is his
wish that La Forest reimburse himself, "_par préférence_," out of any
property of his (La Salle's) in France or Canada.
[273] The attitude of La Salle, in this matter, is incomprehensible. In
July, La Forest was at Rochefort, complaining because La Salle had
ordered him to stay in garrison at Fort Frontenac. _Beaujeu à
Villermont, 10 July, 1684_. This means an abandonment of the scheme of
leading the warriors at the rock of St. Louis down the Mississippi; but,
in the next month, La Salle writes to Seignelay that he is afraid La
Barre will use the Iroquois war as a pretext to prevent La Forest from
making his journey (to the Illinois), and that in this case he will
himself try to go up the Mississippi, and meet the Illinois warriors; so
that, in five or six months from the date of the letter, the minister
will hear of his departure to attack the Spaniards. (_La Salle à
Seignelay, Août, 1684._) Either this is sheer folly, or else it is meant
to delude the minister.
[274] _Mémoire de ce qui aura esté accordé au Sieur de la Salle._
[275] _Lettre au Roy à La Salle, 12 Avril, 1684; Mémoire pour servir
d'Instruction au Sieur de Beaujeu, 14 Avril, 1684._
[276] Joutel, _Journal Historique_, 12.
[277] The letters of Beaujeu to Seignelay and to Cabart de Villermont,
with most of the other papers on which this chapter rests, will be found
in Margry, ii. 354-471. This indefatigable investigator has also brought
to light a number of letters from a brother officer of Beaujeu,
Machaut-Rougemont, written at Rochefort, just after the departure of the
expedition from Rochelle, and giving some idea of the views there
entertained concerning it. He says: "L'on ne peut pas faire plus
d'extravagances que le Sieur de la Salle n'en a fait sur toutes ses
prétentions de commandement. Je plains beaucoup le pauvre Beaujeu
d'avoir affaire à une humeur si saturnienne.... Je le croy beaucoup
visionnaire ... Beaujeu a une sotte commission."
CHAPTER XXIV.
1684, 1685.
THE VOYAGE.
Disputes with Beaujeu.--St. Domingo.--La Salle Attacked with Fever:
his Desperate Condition.--The Gulf Of Mexico.--A Vain Search and a
Fatal Error.
The four ships sailed from Rochelle on the twenty-fourth of July. Four
days after, the "Joly" broke her bowsprit, by design as La Salle
fancied. They all put back to Rochefort, where the mischief was quickly
repaired; and they put to sea again. La Salle, and the chief persons of
the expedition, with a crowd of soldiers, artisans, and women, the
destined mothers of Louisiana, were all on board the "Joly." Beaujeu
wished to touch at Madeira, to replenish his water-casks. La Salle
refused, lest by doing so the secret of the enterprise might reach the
Spaniards. One Paget, a Huguenot, took up the word in support of
Beaujeu. La Salle told him that the affair was none of his; and as Paget
persisted with increased warmth and freedom, he demanded of Beaujeu if
it was with his consent that a man of no rank spoke to him in that
manner. Beaujeu sustained the Huguenot. "That is enough," returned La
Salle, and withdrew into his cabin.[278]
This was not the first misunderstanding; nor was it the last. There was
incessant chafing between the two commanders; and the sailors of the
"Joly" were soon of one mind with their captain. When the ship crossed
the tropic, they made ready a tub on deck to baptize the passengers,
after the villanous practice of the time; but La Salle refused to permit
it, at which they were highly exasperated, having promised themselves a
bountiful ransom, in money or liquor, from their victims. "Assuredly,"
says Joutel, "they would gladly have killed us all."
[Sidenote: ST. DOMINGO.]
When, after a wretched voyage of two months the ships reached St.
Domingo, a fresh dispute occurred. It had been resolved at a council of
officers to stop at Port de Paix; but Beaujeu, on pretext of a fair
wind, ran by that place in the night, and cast anchor at Petit Goave, on
the other side of the island. La Salle was extremely vexed; for he
expected to meet at Port de Paix the Marquis de Saint-Laurent,
lieutenant-general of the islands, Bégon the intendant, and De Cussy,
governor of La Tortue, who had orders to supply him with provisions and
give him all possible aid.
The "Joly" was alone: the other vessels had lagged behind. She had more
than fifty sick men on board, and La Salle was of the number. He sent a
messenger to Saint-Laurent, Bégon, and Cussy, begging them to come to
him; ordered Joutel to get the sick ashore, suffocating as they were in
the hot and crowded ship; and caused the soldiers to be landed on a
small island in the harbor. Scarcely had the voyagers sung _Te Deum_ for
their safe arrival, when two of the lagging vessels appeared, bringing
tidings that the third, the ketch "St. François," had been taken by