Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
to do than for the boldest exploits he ever performed.
In conformity with the usual form, the proposition of the Tribunate was
transmitted to the Senate. From that time the Senators on whom Bonaparte
most relied were frequent in their visits to the Tuileries. In the
preparatory conferences which preceded the regular discussions in the
Senate it has been ascertained that the majority was not willing that
the marked proof of gratitude should be the Consulate for life; it
was therefore agreed that the reporter should limit his demand to a
temporary prolongation of the dignity of First Consul in favour of
Bonaparte. The reporter, M. de Lacepede, acted accordingly, and limited
the prolongation to ten years, commencing from the expiration of the ten
years granted by the Constitution. I forget which of the Senators first
proposed the Consulate for life; but I well recollect that Cambacérès
used all his endeavours to induce those members of the Senate whom he
thought he could influence to agree to that proposition. Whether from
flattery or conviction I know not, but the Second Consul held out to his
colleague, or rather his master, the hope of complete success. Bonaparte
on hearing him shook his head with an air of doubt, but afterwards said
to me, "They will perhaps make some wry faces, but they must come to it
at last!"
It was proposed in the Senate that the proposition of the Consulate for
life should take the priority of that of the decennial prolongation; but
this was not agreed to; and the latter proposition being adopted, the
other, of course, could not be discussed.
There was something very curious in the 'Senatus-consulte' published
on the occasion. It spoke in the name of the French people, and stated
that, "in testimony of their gratitude to the Consuls of the
Republic," the Consular reign was prolonged for ten years; but that the
prolongation was limited to the First Consul only.
Bonaparte, though much dissatisfied with the decision of the Senate,
disguised his displeasure in ambiguous language. When Tronchet, then
President of the Senate, read to him, in a solemn audience, at the head
of the deputation, the 'Senatus-consulte' determining the prorogation,
he said in reply that he could not be certain of the confidence of the
people unless his continuance in the Consulship were sanctioned by their
suffrages. "The interests of my glory and happiness," added he, "would
seem to have marked the close of my public life at the moment when the
peace of the world is proclaimed. But the glory and the happiness of
the citizen must yield to the interests of the State and wishes of
the public. You, Senators, conceive that I owe to the people another
sacrifice. I will make it if the voice of the people commands what your
suffrage authorises."
The true meaning of these words was not understood by everybody, and was
only manifest to those who were initiated in the secret of Bonaparte's
designs. He did not accept the offer of the Senate, because he wished
for something more. The question was to be renewed and to be decided by
the people only; and since the people had the right to refuse what the
Senate offered, they possessed, for the same reason, the right to give
what the Senate did not offer.
The moment now arrived for consulting the Council of State as to the
mode to be adopted for invoking and collecting the suffrages of the
people. For this purpose an extraordinary meeting of the Council of
State was summoned on the 10th of May. Bonaparte wished to keep himself
aloof from all ostensible influence; but his two colleagues laboured for
him more zealously than he could have worked for himself, and they were
warmly supported by several members of the Council. A strong majority
were of opinion that Bonaparte should not only be invested with the
Consulship for life, but that he should be empowered to nominate his
successor. But he, still faithful to his plan, affected to venerate the
sovereignty of the people, which he held in horror, and he promulgated
the following decree, which was the first explanation of his reply to
the Senate.
The Consuls of the Republic, considering that the resolution of the
First Consul is an homage rendered to the sovereignty of the People,
and that the People, when consulted on their dearest interests, will
not go beyond the limits of those interests, decree as follows:--
First, that the French people shall be consulted on the question
whether Napoleon Bonaparte is to be made Consul for life, etc.
The other articles merely regulated the mode of collecting the votes.
This decree shows the policy of the First Consul in a new point of view,
and displays his art in its fullest extent. He had just refused the less
for the sake of getting the greater; and now he had contrived to get the
offer of the greater to show off his moderation by accepting only the
less. The Council of State sanctioned the proposition for conferring on
the First Consul the right of nominating his successor, and, of his own
accord, the First Consul declined this. Accordingly the Second Consul,
when he, the next day, presented the decree to the Council of State, did
not fail to eulogise this extreme moderation, which banished even the
shadow of suspicion of any ambitious after-thought. Thus the Senate
found itself out-manoeuvred, and the decree of the Consuls was
transmitted at once to the Legislative Body and to the Tribunate.
In the Legislative Body, M. de Vaublanc was distinguished among all the
deputies who applauded the conduct of the Government; and it was he who
delivered the apologetic harangue of the deputation of the Legislative
Body to the First Consul. After having addressed the Government
collectively he ended by addressing the First Consul individually--a
sort of compliment which had not hitherto been put in practice,
and which was far from displeasing him who was its object. As M. de
Vaublanc's speech had been communicated beforehand to the First Consul,
the latter prepared a reply to it which sufficiently showed how much it
had gratified him. Besides the flattering distinction which separated
him from the Government, the plenitude of praise was not tempered by
anything like advice or comment. It was not so with the address of the
Tribunate. After the compliments which the occasion demanded, a series
of hopes were expressed for the future, which formed a curious contrast
with the events which actually ensued. The Tribunate, said the address,
required no guarantee, because Bonaparte's elevated and generous
sentiments would never permit him to depart from those principles which
brought about the Revolution and founded the Republic;--he loved real
glory too well ever to stain that which he had acquired by the abuse of
power;--the nation which he was called to govern was free and generous
he would respect and consolidate her liberty; he would distinguish his
real friends, who spoke truth to him, from flatterers who might seek
to deceive him. In short, Bonaparte would surround himself with the men
who, having made the Revolution, were interested in supporting it.
To these and many other fine things the Consul replied, "This testimony
of the affection of the Tribunate is gratifying to the Government. The
union of all bodies of the State is a guarantee of the stability
and happiness of the nation. The efforts of the Government will be
constantly directed to the interests of the people, from whom all power
is derived, and whose welfare all good men have at heart."
So much for the artifice of governments and the credulity of subjects!
It is certain that, from the moment Bonaparte gained his point in
submitting the question of the Consulate for life to the decision of the
people, there was no longer a doubt of the result being in his favour.
This was evident, not only on account of the influential means which a
government always has at its command, and of which its agents extend
the ramifications from the centre to the extremities, but because the
proposition was in accordance with the wishes of the majority. The
Republicans were rather shy in avowing principles with which people were
now disenchanted;--the partisans of a monarchy without distinction of
family saw their hopes almost realised in the Consulate for life; the
recollection of the Bourbons still lived in some hearts faithful
to misfortune but the great mass were for the First Consul, and his
external acts in the new step he had taken towards the throne had been
so cautiously disguised as to induce a belief in his sincerity. If I
and a few others were witness to his accomplished artifice and secret
ambition, France beheld only his glory, and gratefully enjoyed the
blessings of peace which he had obtained for her. The suffrages of the
people speedily realised the hopes of the First Consul, and thus was
founded the CONSULATE FOR LIFE.
CHAPTER XIV
1802-1803.
Departure for Malmaison--Unexpected question relative to the
Bourbons--Distinction between two opposition parties--New intrigues
of Lucien--Camille Jordan's pamphlet seized--Vituperation against
the liberty of the press--Revisal of the Constitution--New
'Senatus-consulte--Deputation from the Senate--Audience of the
Diplomatic Body--Josephine's melancholy--The discontented--Secret
meetings--Fouché and the police agents--The Code Napoleon--
Bonaparte's regular attendance at the Council of State--His
knowledge of mankind, and the science of government--Napoleon's
first sovereign act--His visit to the Senate--The Consular
procession--Polite etiquette--The Senate and the Council of State--
Complaints against Lucien--The deaf and dumb assembly--Creation of
senatorships.
When nothing was wanting to secure the Consulate for life but the votes
of the people, which there was no doubt of obtaining, the First Consul
set off to spend a few days at Malmaison.
On the day of our arrival, as soon as dinner was ended, Bonaparte said
to me, "Bourrienne, let us go and take a walk." It was the middle of
May, so that the evenings were long. We went into the park: he was
very grave, and we walked for several minutes without his uttering a
syllable. Wishing to break silence in a way that would be agreeable
to him, I alluded to the facility with which he had nullified the last
'Senatus-consulte'. He scarcely seemed to hear me, so completely was
his mind absorbed in the subject on which he was meditating. At length,
suddenly recovering from his abstraction, he said, "Bourrienne, do
you think that the pretender to the crown of France would renounce his
claims if I were to offer him a good indemnity, or even a province in
Italy?" Surprised at this abrupt question on a subject which I was far
from thinking of, I replied that I did not think the pretender would
relinquish his claims; that it was very unlikely the Bourbons would
return to France as long as he, Bonaparte, should continue at the head
of the Government, though they would look forward to their ultimate
return as probable. "How so?" inquired he. "For a very simple reason,
General. Do you not see every day that your agents conceal the
truth from you, and flatter you in your wishes, for the purpose of
ingratiating themselves in your favour? are you not angry when at length
the truth reaches your ear?"--"And what then?"--"why, General, it must
be just the same with the agents of Louis XVIII. in France. It is in
the course of things, in the nature of man, that they should feed the
Bourbons with hopes of a possible return, were it only to induce a
belief in their own talent and utility."--"That is very true! You are
quite right; but I am not afraid. However, something might perhaps be
done--we shall see." Here the subject dropped, and our conversation