Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
turned on the Consulate for life, and Bonaparte spoke in unusually mild
terms of the persons who had opposed the proposition. I was a little
surprised at this, and could not help reminding him of the different
way in which he had spoken of those who opposed his accession to the
Consulate. "There is nothing extraordinary in that," said he. "Worthy
men may be attached to the Republic as I have made it. It is a mere
question of form. I have nothing to say against that; but at the time
of my accession to the Consulate it was very different. Then, none but
Jacobins, terrorists, and rogues resisted my endeavours to rescue France
from the infamy into which the Directory had plunged her. But now I
cherish no ill-will against those who have opposed me."
During the intervals between the acts of the different bodies of the
State, and the collection of the votes, Lucien renewed his intrigues, or
rather prosecuted them with renewed activity, for the purpose of getting
the question of hereditary succession included in the votes. Many
prefects transmitted to M. Chaptal anonymous circulars which had been
sent to them: all stated the ill effect produced by these circulars,
which had been addressed to the principal individuals of their
departments. Lucien was the originator of all this, though I cannot
positively say whether his brother connived with him, as in the case of
the pamphlet to which I have already alluded. I believe, however, that
Bonaparte was not entirely a stranger to the business; for the circulars
were written by Raederer at the instigation of Lucien, and Raederer was
at that time in favour at the Tuileries. I recollect Bonaparte speaking
to me one day very angrily about a pamphlet which had just, been
published by Camille Jordan on the subject of the national vote on the
Consulate for life. Camille Jordan did not withhold his vote, but gave
it in favour of the First Consul; and instead of requiring preliminary
conditions, he contented himself, like the Tribunate, with enumerating
all the guarantees which he expected the honour of the First Consul
would grant. Among these guarantees were the cessation of arbitrary
imprisonments, the responsibility of the agents of Government, and the
independence of the judges. But all these demands were mere peccadilloes
in comparison with Camille Jordan's great crime of demanding the liberty
of the press.
The First Consul had looked through the fatal pamphlet, and lavished
invectives upon its author. "How!" exclaimed he, "am I never to have
done with these fire brands?--These babblers, who think that politics
may be shown on a printed page like the world on a map? Truly, I know
not what things will come to if I let this go on. Camille Jordan, whom I
received so well at Lyons, to think that he should--ask for the liberty
of the press! Were I to accede to this I might as well pack up at once
and go and live on a farm a hundred leagues from Paris." Bonaparte's
first act in favour of the liberty of the press was to order the seizure
of the pamphlet in which Camille Jordan had extolled the advantages of
that measure. Publicity, either by words or writing, was Bonaparte's
horror. Hence his aversion to public speakers and writers.
Camille Jordan was not the only person who made unavailing efforts to
arrest Bonaparte in the first steps of his ambition. There were yet in
France many men who, though they had hailed with enthusiasm the dawn of
the French Revolution, had subsequently been disgusted by its
crimes, and who still dreamed of the possibility of founding a truly
Constitutional Government in France. Even in the Senate there were some
men indignant at the usual compliance of that body, and who spoke of
the necessity of subjecting the Constitution to a revisal, in order to
render it conformable to the Consulate for life.
The project of revising the Constitution was by no means unsatisfactory
to Bonaparte. It afforded him an opportunity of holding out fresh
glimmerings of liberty to those who were too shortsighted to see into
the future. He was pretty certain that there could be no change but to
his advantage. Had any one talked to him of the wishes of the nation he
would have replied, "3,577,259 citizens have voted. Of these how many
were for me? 3,368,185. Compare the difference! There is but one vote in
forty-five against me. I must obey the will of the people!" To this he
would not have failed to add, "Whose are the votes opposed to me? Those
of ideologists, Jacobins, and peculators under the Directory." To such
arguments what could have been answered? It must not be supposed that
I am putting these words into Bonaparte's mouth. They fell from him
oftener than once.
As soon as the state of the votes was ascertained the Senate conceived
itself under the necessity of repairing the only fault it had committed
in the eyes of the First Consul, and solemnly presented him with a new
'Senatus-consulte', and a decree couched in the following terms:
ARTICLE I. The French people nominate and the Senate proclaim Napoleon
Bonaparte Consul for life.
ARTICLE II. A statue representing Peace, holding in one hand the laurel
of victory, and in the other the decree of the senate, shall commemorate
to posterity the gratitude of the Nation.
ARTICLE III. The Senate will convey to the First Consul the expression
of the confidence, the love, and the admiration of the French people.
Bonaparte replied to the deputation from the Senate, in the presence of
the Diplomatic Body, whose audience had been appointed for that day
in order that the ambassadors might be enabled to make known to their
respective Courts that Europe reckoned one King more. In his reply
he did not fail to introduce the high-sounding words "liberty and
equality." He commenced thus: "A citizen's life belongs to his country.
The French people wish that mine should be entirely devoted to their
service. I obey."
On the day this ceremony took place, besides the audience of the
Diplomatic Body there was an extraordinary assemblage of general
officers and public functionaries. The principal apartments of the
Tuileries's presented the appearance of a fete. This gaiety formed a
striking contrast with the melancholy of Josephine, who felt that every
step of the First Consul towards the throne removed him farther from
her.
She had to receive a party that evening, and though greatly depressed in
spirits she did the honours with her usual grace.
Let a Government be what it may, it can never satisfy everyone. At the
establishment of the Consulate for life, those who were averse to
that change formed but a feeble minority. But still they met, debated,
corresponded, and dreamed of the possibility of overthrowing the
Consular Government.
During the first six months of the year 1802 there were meetings of the
discontented, which Fouché, who was then Minister of the Police, knew
and would not condescend to notice; but, on the contrary, all the
inferior agents of the police contended for a prey which was easily
seized, and, with the view of magnifying their services, represented
these secret meetings as the effect of a vast plot against the
Government. Bonaparte, whenever he spoke to me on the subject, expressed
himself weary of the efforts which were made to give importance to
trifles; and yet he received the reports of the police agents as if he
thought them of consequence. This was because he thought Fouché badly
informed, and he was glad to find him at fault; but when he sent for
the Minister of Police the latter told him that all the reports he had
received were not worth a moment's attention. He told the First
Consul all, and even a great deal more than had been revealed to him,
mentioning at the same time how and from whom Bonaparte had received his
information.
But these petty police details did not divert the First Consul's
attention from the great object he had in view. Since March 1802 he
had attended the sittings of the Council of State with remarkable
regularity. Even while we were at the Luxembourg he busied himself in
drawing up a new code of laws to supersede the incomplete collection
of revolutionary laws, and to substitute order for the sort of anarchy
which prevailed in the legislation. The man who were most distinguished
for legal knowledge had cooperated in this laborious task, the result
of which was the code first distinguished by the name of the Civil Code,
and afterwards called the Code Napoleon. The labours of this important
undertaking being completed, a committee was appointed for the
presentation of the code. This committee, of which Cambacérès was the
president, was composed of MM. Portalis, Merlin de Douai, and Tronchet.
During all the time the discussions were pending, instead of assembling
as usual three times a week, the Council of State assembled every day,
and the sittings, which on ordinary occasions only lasted two or three
hours, were often prolonged to five or six. The First Consul took such
interest in these discussions that, to have an opportunity of conversing
upon them in the evening, he frequently invited several members of the
Council to dine with him. It was during these conversations that I most
admired the inconceivable versatility of Bonaparte's genius, or rather,
that superior instinct which enabled him to comprehend at a glance, and
in their proper point of view, legislative questions to which he might
have been supposed a stranger. Possessing as he did, in a supreme
degree, the knowledge of mankind, ideas important to the science of
government flashed upon his mind like sudden inspirations.
Some time after his nomination to the Consulate for life, anxious to
perform a sovereign act, he went for the first time to preside at the
Senate. Availing myself that day of a few leisure moments I went out to
see the Consular procession. It was truly royal. The First Consul had
given orders that the military should-be ranged in the streets through
which he had to pass. On his first arrival at the Tuileries, Napoleon
had the soldiers of the Guard ranged in a single line in the interior
of the court, but he now ordered that the line should be doubled, and
should extend from the gate of the Tuileries to that of the Luxembourg.
Assuming a privilege which old etiquette had confined exclusively to
the Kings of France, Bonaparte now for the first time rode in a carriage
drawn by eight horses. A considerable number of carriages followed that
of the First Consul, which was surrounded by generals and aides de
camp on horseback. Louis XIV. going to hold a bed of justice at the
Parliament of Paris never displayed greater pomp than did Bonaparte in
this visit to the Senate. He appeared in all the parade of royalty;
and ten Senators came to meet him at the foot of the staircase of the
Luxembourg.
The object of the First Consul's visit to the Senate was the
presentation of five plans of 'Senatus-consultes'. The other two Consuls
were present at the ceremony, which took place about the middle of
August.
Bonaparte returned in the same style in which he went, accompanied by M.
Lebrun, Cambacérès remaining at the Senate, of which he was President.
The five 'Senatus-consultes' were adopted, but a restriction was made in
that which concerned the forms of the Senate. It was proposed that when
the Consuls visited the Senate they should be received by a deputation
of ten members at the foot of the staircase, as the First Consul had
that day been received; but Bonaparte's brothers Joseph and Lucien
opposed this, and prevented the proposition from being adopted,
observing that the Second and Third Consuls being members of the Senate
could not be received with such honours by their colleagues. This little
scene of political courtesy, which was got up beforehand, was very well
acted.