Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
proposition was of course rejected. Thus the public gave the First
Consul credit for great moderation and a sincere wish for peace. Thus
arose between England and France a contest resembling those furious wars
which marked the reigns of King John and Charles VII. Our beaux esprits
drew splendid comparisons between the existing state of things and the
ancient rivalry of Carthage and Rome, and sapiently concluded that, as
Carthage fell, England must do so likewise.
Bonaparte was at St. Cloud when Lord Whitworth left Paris. A fortnight
was spent in useless attempts to renew negotiations. War, therefore, was
the only alternative. Before he made his final preparations the First
Consul addressed a message to the Senate, the Legislative Body, and
the Tribunate. In this message he mentioned the recall of the English
Ambassador, the breaking out of hostilities, the unexpected message
of the King of England to his Parliament, and the armaments which
immediately ensued in the British ports. "In vain," he said, "had France
tried every means to induce England to abide by the treaty. She had
repelled every overture, and increased the insolence of her demands.
France," he added, "will not submit to menaces, but will combat for
the faith of treaties, and the honour of the French name, confidently
trusting that the result of the contest will be such as she has a right
to expect from the justice of her cause and the courage of her people."
This message was dignified, and free from that vein of boasting in
which Bonaparte so frequently indulged. The reply of the Senate was
accompanied by a vote of a ship of the line, to be paid for out of the
Senatorial salaries. With his usual address Bonaparte, in acting for
himself, spoke in the name of the people, just as he did in the question
of the Consulate for life. But what he then did for his own interests
turned to the future interests of the Bourbons. The very treaty which
had just been broken off gave rise to a curious observation. Bonaparte,
though not yet a sovereign, peremptorily required the King of England to
renounce the empty title of King of France, which was kept up as if to
imply that old pretensions were not yet renounced. The proposition was
acceded to, and to this circumstance was owing the disappearance of the
title of King of France from among the titles of the King of England,
when the treaty of Paris was concluded on the return of the Bourbons.
The first grievance complained of by England was the prohibition of
English merchandise, which had been more rigid since the peace than
during the war. The avowal of Great Britain on this point might well
have enabled her to dispense with any other subject of complaint; for
the truth is, she was alarmed at the aspect of our internal prosperity,
and at the impulse given to our manufactures. The English Government had
hoped to obtain from the First Consul such a commercial treaty as would
have proved a death-blow to our rising trade; but Bonaparte opposed
this, and from the very circumstance of his refusal he might easily have
foreseen the rupture at which he affected to be surprised. What I state
I felt at the time, when I read with great interest all the documents
relative to this great dispute between the two rival nations, which
eleven years afterwards was decided before the walls of Paris.
It was evidently disappointment in regard to a commercial treaty which
created the animosity of the English Government, as that circumstance
was alluded to, by way of reproach, in the King of England's
declaration. In that document it was complained that France had sent
a number of persona into the ports of Great Britain and Ireland in the
character of commercial agents, which character, and the privileges
belonging to it, they could only have acquired by a commercial treaty.
Such was, in my opinion, the real cause of the complaints of England;
but as it would have seemed too absurd to make it the ground of a
declaration of war, she enumerated other grievances, viz., the union of
Piedmont and of the states of Parma and Piacenza with France, and the
continuance of the French troops in Holland. A great deal was said
about the views and projects of France with respect to Turkey, and this
complaint originated in General Sebastiani's mission to Egypt. On that
point I can take upon me to say that the English Government was
not misinformed. Bonaparte too frequently spoke to me of his ideas
respecting the East, and his project of attacking the English power in
India, to leave any doubt of his ever having renounced them. The result
of all the reproaches which the two Governments addressed to each other
was, that neither acted with good faith.
The First Consul, in a communication to the Legislative Body on the
state of France and on her foreign relations; had said, "England,
single-handed, cannot cope with France." This sufficed to irritate the
susceptibility of English pride, and the British Cabinet affected to
regard it as a threat. However, it was no such thing. When Bonaparte
threatened, his words were infinitely more energetic. The passage above
cited was merely an assurance to France; and if we only look at the past
efforts and sacrifices made by England to stir up enemies to France
on the Continent, we may be justified in supposing that her anger at
Bonaparte's declaration arose from a conviction of its truth. Singly
opposed to France, England could doubtless have done her much harm,
especially by assailing the scattered remnants of her navy; but she
could have done nothing against France on the Continent. The two
powers, unaided by allies, might have continued long at war without any
considerable acts of hostility.
The first effect of the declaration of war by England was the invasion
of Hanover by the French troops under General Mortier. The telegraphic
despatch by which this news was communicated to Paris was as laconic
as correct, and contained, in a few words, the complete history of the
expedition. It ran as follows: "The French are masters of the Electorate
of Hanover, and the enemy's army are made prisoners of war." A day
or two after the shop windows of the print-sellers were filled with
caricatures on the English, and particularly on the Duke of Cambridge.
I recollect seeing one in which the Duke was represented reviewing his
troops mounted on a crab. I mention these trifles because, as I was then
living entirely at leisure, in the Rue Hauteville, I used frequently to
take a stroll on the Boulevards, where I was sometimes much amused with
these prints; and I could not help remarking, that in large cities such
trifles have more influence on the public mind than is usually supposed.
The First Consul thought the taking of the prisoners in Hanover a good
opportunity to exchange them for those taken from us by the English
navy. A proposition to this effect was accordingly made; but the English
Cabinet was of opinion that, though the King of England was also Elector
of Hanover, yet there was no identity between the two Governments,
of both which George III. was the head. In consequence of this subtle
distinction the proposition for the exchange of prisoners fell to the
ground. At this period nothing could exceed the animosity of the two
Governments towards each other, and Bonaparte, on the declaration
of war, marked his indignation by an act which no consideration can
justify; I allude to the order for the arrest of all the English in
France--a truly barbarious measure; for; can anything be more cruel
and unjust than to visit individuals with the vengeance due to the
Government whose subjects they may happen to be? But Bonaparte, when
under the influence of anger, was never troubled by scruples.
I must here notice the fulfilment of a remark Bonaparte often made, use
of to me during the Consulate. "You shall see, Bourrienne," he would
say, "what use I will make of the priests."
War being declared, the First Consul, in imitation of the most Christian
kings of olden times, recommended the success of his arms to the
prayers of the faithful through the medium of the clergy. To this end he
addressed a circular letter, written in royal style, to the Cardinals,
Archbishops, and Bishops of France.
It was as follows:
MONSIEUR--The motives of the present war are known throughout
Europe. The bad faith of the King of England, who has violated his
treaties by refusing to restore Malta to the order of St. John of
Jerusalem, and attacked our merchant vessels without a previous
declaration of war, together with the necessity of a just defence,
forced us to have recourse to arms. I therefore wish you to order
prayers to be offered up, in order to obtain the benediction of
Heaven on our enterprises. The proofs I have received of your zeal
for the public service give me an assurance of your readiness to
conform with my wishes.
Given at St. Cloud, 18 Prairial, an XI. (7th June 1803).
(Signed) BONAPARTE.
This letter was remarkable in more than one respect. It astonished most
of his old brothers-in-arms, who turned it into ridicule; observing that
Bonaparte needed no praying to enable him to conquer Italy twice over.
The First Consul, however, let them laugh on, and steadily followed the
line he had traced out. His letter was admirably calculated to please
the Court of Rome, which he wished should consider him in the light of
another elder son of the Church. The letter was, moreover, remarkable
for the use of the word "Monsieur," which the First Consul now employed
for the first time in an act destined for publicity. This circumstance
would seem to indicate that he considered Republican designations
incompatible with the forms due to the clergy: the clergy were
especially interested in the restoration of monarchy. It may, perhaps,
be thought that I dwell too much on trifles; but I lived long enough in
Bonaparte's confidence to know the importance he attached to trifles.
The First Consul restored the old names of the days of the week, while
he allowed the names of the months, as set down in the Republican
calendar, to remain. He commenced by ordering the Moniteur to be dated
"Saturday," such a day of "Messidor." "See," said he one day, "was there
ever such an inconsistency? We shall be laughed at! But I will do away
with the Messidor. I will efface all the inventions of the Jacobins."
The clergy did not disappoint the expectations of the First Consul. They
owed him much already, and hoped for still more from him. The letter
to the Bishops, etc., was the signal for a number of circulars full of
eulogies on Bonaparte.
These compliments were far from displeasing to the First Consul, who
had no objection to flattery though he despised those who meanly made
themselves the medium of conveying it to him. Duroc once told me that
they had all great difficulty in preserving their gravity when the cure
of a parish in Abbeville addressed Bonaparte one day while he was on
his journey to the coast. "Religion," said the worthy cure, with pompous
solemnity, "owes to you all that it is, we owe to you all that we are;
and I, too, owe to you all that I am."
--[Not so fulsome as some of the terms used a year later when
Napoleon was made Emperor. "I am what I am," was placed over a seat
prepared for the Emperor. One phrase, "God made Napoleon and then
rested," drew from Narbonne the sneer that it would have been better
if the Deity had rested sooner. "Bonaparte," says Joseph de
Maistre, "has had himself described in his papers as the 'Messenger
of God.' Nothing more true. Bonaparte comes straight from heaven,
like a thunderbolt." (Saints-Benve, Caureries, tome iv. p. 203.)]
CHAPTER XX.
1803.