Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
Fouché's visit to St. Cloud--Regnier outwitted by Fouché--
My interview with the First Consul--His indignation at the reports
respecting Hortense--Contradiction of these calumnies--The brothers
Faucher--Their execution--The First Consul's levee--My conversation
with Duroc--Conspiracy of Georges, Moreau, and Pichegru--Moreau
averse to the restoration of the Bourbons--Bouvet de Lozier's
attempted suicide--Arrest of Moreau--Declaration of MM. de Polignac
and de Riviere--Connivance of the police--Arrest of M. Carbonnet and
his nephew.
The time was passed when Bonaparte, just raised to the Consulate, only
proceeded to the Temple to release the victims of the "Loi des suspects"
by his sole and immediate authority. This state prison was now to be
filled by the orders of his police. All the intrigues of Europe were
in motion. Emissaries came daily from England, who, if they could not
penetrate into the interior of France, remained in the towns near
the frontiers, where they established correspondence, and published
pamphlets, which they sent to Paris by post, in the form of letters.
The First Consul, on the other hand, gave way, without reserve, to the
natural irritation which that power had excited by her declaration
of war. He knew that the most effective war he could carry on against
England would be a war against her trade.
As a prelude to that piece of madness, known by the name of the
Continental system, the First Consul adopted every possible preventive
measure against the introduction of English merchandise. Bonaparte's
irritation against the English was not without a cause. The intelligence
which reached Paris from the north of France was not very consolatory.
The English fleets not only blockaded the French ports, but were acting
on the offensive, and had bombarded Granville. The mayor of the town did
his duty, but his colleagues, more prudent, acted differently. In
the height of his displeasure Bonaparte issued a decree, by which he
bestowed a scarf of honour on Letourneur, the mayor, and dismissed his
colleagues from office as cowards unworthy of trust. The terms of this
decree were rather severe, but they were certainly justified by the
conduct of those who had abandoned their posts at a critical moment.
I come now to the subject of the invasion of England, and what the First
Consul said to me respecting it. I have stated that Bonaparte never had
any idea of realising the pretended project of a descent on England. The
truth of this assertion will appear from a conversation which I had
with him after he returned from his journey to the north. In this
conversation he repeated what he had often before mentioned to me in
reference to the projects and possible steps to which fortune might
compel him to resort.
The peace of Amiens had been broken about seven months when, on the 15th
of December 1803, the First Consul sent for me to the Tuileries. His
incomprehensible behaviour to me was fresh in my mind; and as it was
upwards of a year since I had seen him, I confess I did not feel quite
at ease when I received the summons. He was perfectly aware that
I possessed documents and data for writing his history which would
describe facts correctly, and destroy the illusions with which his
flatterers constantly, entertained the public. I have already stated
that at that period I had no intention of the kind; but those who
laboured constantly to incense him against me might have suggested
apprehensions on the subject. At all events the fact is, that when he
sent for me I took the precaution of providing myself with a night-cap,
conceiving it to be very likely that I should be sent to sleep at
Vincennes. On the day appointed for the interview Rapp was on duty.
I did not conceal from him my opinion as to the possible result of my
visit. "You need not be afraid," said Rapp; "the First Consul merely
wishes to talk with you." He then announced me.
Bonaparte came into the grand salon where I awaited him, and addressing
me in the most good-humoured way said, "What do the gossips say of my
preparations for the invasion of England?"--"There is a great difference
of opinion on the subject, General," I replied. "Everyone speaks
according to his own views. Suchet, for instance, who comes to see me
very often, has no doubt that it will take place, and hopes to give
you on the occasion fresh proofs of his gratitude and fidelity."--"But
Suchet tells me that you do not believe it will be attempted."--"That
is true, I certainly do not."--"Why?"--"Because you told me at Antwerp,
five years ago, that you would not risk France on the cast of a
die--that the adventure was too hazardous--and circumstances have not
altered since that time."--"You are right. Those who look forward to the
invasion of England are blockheads. They do not see the affair in its
true light. I can, doubtless, land in England with 100,000 men. A great
battle will be fought, which I shall gain; but I must reckon upon 30,000
men killed, wounded, and prisoners. If I march on London, a second
battle must be fought. I will suppose myself again victorious; but what
should I do in London with an army diminished three-fourths and without
the hope of reinforcements? It would be madness. Until our navy
acquires superiority it is useless to think of such a project. The great
assemblage of troops in the north has another object. My Government must
be the first in the world, or it must fall." Bonaparte then evidently
wished it to be supposed that he entertained the design of invading
England in order to divert the attention of Europe to that direction.
From Dunkirk the First Consul proceeded to Antwerp, where also he had
assembled experienced men to ascertain their opinions respecting the
surest way of attempting a landing, the project of which was merely a
pretence. The employment of large ships of war, after many discussions,
abandoned in favour of a flotilla.
--[At this period a caricature (by Gillray) appeared in London.
which was sent to Paris, and strictly sought after by the police.
One of the copies was shown to the First Consul, who was highly
indignant at it. The French fleet was represented by a number of
nut-shells. An English sailor, seated on a rock, was quietly
smoking his pipe, the whiffs of which were throwing the whole
squadron into disorder.--Bourrienne. Gillray's caricatures should
be at the reader's side during the perusal of this work, also
English Caricature and Satire on Napoleon I., by J. Ashton Chatto:
and Windus, 1884.]--
After visiting Belgium, and giving directions there, the First Consul
returned from Brussels to Paris by way of Maestricht, Liege, and
Soissons.
Before my visit to the Tuileries, and even before the rupture of the
peace of Amiens, certain intriguing speculators, whose extravagant
zeal was not less fatal to the cause of the Bourbons than was the blind
subserviency of his unprincipled adherents to the First Consul, had
taken part in some underhand manoeuvres which could have no favourable
result. Amongst these great contrivers of petty machinations the
well-known Fauche Borel, the bookseller of Neufchatel, had long been
conspicuous. Fauche Borel, whose object was to create a stir, and who
wished nothing better than to be noticed and paid, failed not to come
to France as soon as the peace of Amiens afforded him the opportunity. I
was at that time still with Bonaparte, who was aware of all these little
plots, but who felt no personal anxiety on the subject, leaving to his
police the care of watching their authors.
The object of Fauche Borel's mission was to bring about a reconciliation
between Moreau and Pichegru. The latter general, who was banished on the
18th Fructidor 4th (September 1797), had not obtained the First Consul's
permission to return to France. He lived in England, where he awaited
a favourable opportunity for putting his old projects into execution.
Moreau was in Paris, but no longer appeared at the levees or parties
of the First Consul, and the enmity of both generals against Bonaparte,
openly avowed on the part of Pichegru; and still disguised by Moreau,
was a secret to nobody. But as everything was prosperous with
Bonaparte he evinced contempt rather than fear of the two generals. His
apprehensions were, indeed, tolerably allayed by the absence of the one
and the character of the other. Moreau's name had greater weight
with the army than that of Pichegru; and those who were plotting the
overthrow of the Consular Government knew that that measure could not be
attempted with any chance of success without the assistance of Moreau.
The moment was inopportune; but, being initiated in some secrets of
the British Cabinet, they knew that the peace was but a truce, and they
determined to profit by that truce to effect a reconciliation which
might afterwards secure a community of interests. Moreau and Pichegru
had not been friends since Moreau sent to the Directory the papers
seized in M. de Klinglin's carriage, which placed Pichegru's treason
in so clear a light. Since that period Pichegru's name possessed no
influence over the minds of the soldiers, amongst whom he had very few
partisans, whilst the name of Moreau was dear to all who had conquered
under his command.
Fauche Borel's design was to compromise Moreau without bringing him to
any decisive step. Moreau's natural indolence, and perhaps it may
be said his good sense, induced him to adopt the maxim that it was
necessary to let men and things take their course; for temporizing
policy is often as useful in politics as in war. Besides, Moreau was a
sincere Republican; and if his habit of indecision had permitted him to
adopt any resolution, it is quite certain that he would not then have
assisted in the reestablishment of the Bourbons, as Pichegru wished.
What I have stated is an indispensable introduction to the knowledge of
plots of more importance which preceded the great event that marked
the close of the Consulship: I allude to the conspiracy of Georges,
Cadoudal, Moreau, and Pichegru, and that indelible stain on the
character of Napoleon,--the death of the Duc d'Enghien. Different
opinions have been expressed concerning Georges' conspiracy. I shall not
contradict any of them. I will relate what I learned and what I saw,
in order to throw some light on that horrible affair. I am far from
believing what I have read in many works, that it was planned by the
police in order to pave the First Consul's way to the throne. I think
that it was contrived by those who were really interested in it, and
encouraged by Fouché in order to prepare his return to office.
To corroborate my opinion respecting Fouché's conduct and his manoeuvres
I must remind the reader that about the close of 1803 some persons
conceived the project of reconciling Moreau and Pichegru. Fouché, who
was then out of the Ministry, caused Moreau to be visited by men of his
own party, and who were induced, perhaps unconsciously, by Fouché's art,
to influence and irritate the general's mind. It was at first intended
that the Abbe David, the mutual friend of Moreau and Pichegru, should
undertake to effect their reconciliation; but he, being arrested and
confined in the Temple, was succeeded by a man named Lajolais, whom
every circumstance proves to have been employed by Fouché. He proceeded
to London, and, having prevailed on Pichegru and his friends to return
to France, he set off to announce their arrival and arrange everything
for their reception and destruction. Moreau's discontent was the sole
foundation of this intrigue. I remember that one day, about the end of
January 1804, I called on Fouché, who informed me that he had been at
St. Cloud, where he had had a long conversation with the First Consul on