Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
Mecklenburg-Schwerin's departure from Hamburg--English squadron in
the Sound--Bombardment of Copenhagen--Perfidy of England--Remark of
Bonaparte to M. Lemercier--Prussia erased from the map--Napoleon's
return to Paris--Suppression of the Tribunate--Confiscation of
English merchandise--Nine millions gained to France--M. Caulaincourt
Ambassador to Russia--Repugnance of England to the intervention of
Russia--Affairs of Portugal--Junot appointed to command the army--
The Prince Regent's departure for the Brazils--The Code Napoleon--
Introduction of the French laws into Germany--Leniency of Hamburg
Juries--The stolen cloak and the Syndic Doormann.
The Treaty of Tilsit, as soon as it was known at Altona, spread
consternation amongst the emigrants. As to the German Princes, who were
awaiting the issue of events either at Altolna or Hamburg, when they
learned that a definitive treaty of peace had been signed between France
and Russia, and that two days after the Treaty of Tilsit the Prussian
monarchy was placed at the mercy of Napoleon, every courier that arrived
threw them into indescribable agitation. It depended on the Emperor's
will whether they were to be or not to be. The Duke of Mecklenburg-
Schwerin had not succeeded in getting himself re-established in his
states, by an exceptional decision, like the Duke of Weimar; but at
length he obtained the restitution of his territory at the request of
the Emperor Alexander, and on the 28th of July he quitted Hamburg to
return to his Duchy.
The Danish charge d'affaires communicated to me about the same time
an official report from his Government. This report announced that on
Monday, the 3d of August, a squadron consisting of twelve ships of the
line and twelve frigates, commanded by Admiral Gambier, had passed the
Sound. The rest of the squadron was seen in the Categat. At the
same time the English troops which were in the island of Rugen had
reembarked. We could not then conceive what enterprise this considerable
force had been sent upon. But our uncertainty was soon at an end. M.
Didelot, the French Ambassador at Copenhagen, arrived at Hamburg, at
nine o'clock in the evening of the 12th of August. He had been fortunate
enough to pass through the Great Belt, though in sight of the
English, without being stopped. I forwarded his report to Paris by an
extraordinary courier.
The English had sent 20,000 men and twenty-seven vessels into the
Baltic; Lord Cathcart commanded the troops. The coast of Zealand was
blockaded by ninety vessels. Mr. Jackson, who had been sent by England
to negotiate with Denmark, which she feared would be invaded by the
French troops, supported the propositions he was charged to offer to
Denmark by a reference to this powerful British force. Mr. Jackson's
proposals had for their object nothing less than to induce the King of
Denmark to place in the custody of England the whole of his ships and
naval stores. They were, it is true, to be kept in deposit, but the
condition contained the words, "until the conclusion of a general
peace," which rendered the period of their restoration uncertain.
They were to be detained until such precautions should be no longer
necessary. A menace and its execution followed close upon this demand.
After a noble but useless resistance, and a terrific bombardment,
Copenhagen surrendered, and the Danish fleet was destroyed. It would be
difficult to find in history a more infamous and revolting instance of
the abuse of power against weakness.
Sometime after this event a pamphlet entitled "Germania" appeared, which
I translated and sent to the Emperor. It was eloquently written, and
expressed the indignation which the conduct of England had excited in
the author as in every one else.
--["That expedition," said Napoleon at St. Helena, "showed great
energy on the part of your Ministers: but setting aside the
violation of the laws of, nations which you committed--for in fact
it was nothing but a robbery--I think that it was; injurious to your
interests, as it made the Danish nation irreconcilable enemies to
you, and in fact shut you out of the north for three years. When I
heard of it I said, I am glad of it, as it will embroil England
irrecoverably with the Northern Powers. The Danes being able to
join me with sixteen sail of the line was of but little consequence.
I had plenty of ships, and only wanted seamen, whom you did not
take, and whom I obtained afterwards, while by the expedition your
Ministers established their characters as faithless, and as persons
with whom no engagements, no laws were binding." (Voice from St.
Helena.)]--
I have stated what were the principal consequences of the Treaty of
Tilsit; it is more than probable that if the bombardment of Copenhagen
had preceded the treaty the Emperor would have used Prussia even worse
than he did. He might have erased her from the list of nations; but he
did not do so, out of regard to the Emperor Alexander. The destruction
of Prussia was no new project with Bonaparte. I remember an observation
of his to M. Lemercier upon that subject when we first went to reside at
Malmaison. M. Lemercier had been reading to the First Consul some poem
in which Frederick the Great was spoken of. "You seem to admire him
greatly," said Bonaparte to M. Lemercier; "what do you find in him
so astonishing? He is not equal to Turenne."--"General," replied M.
Lemercier, "it is not merely the warrior that I esteem in Frederick; it
is impossible to refrain from admiring a man who was a philosopher even
on the throne." To this the First Consul replied, in a half ill-humoured
tone, "Certainly, Lemercier; but Frederick's philosophy shall not
prevent me from erasing his kingdom from the map of Europe." The kingdom
of Frederick the Great was not, however, obliterated from the map,
because the Emperor of Russia would not basely abandon a faithful ally
who had incurred with him the chances of fortune. Prussia then bitterly
had to lament the tergiversations which had prevented her from declaring
herself against France during the campaign of Austerlitz.
Napoleon returned to Paris about the end of July after an absence of ten
months, the longest he had yet made since he had been at the head of
the French Government, whether as Consul or Emperor. The interview
at Tilsit, the Emperor Alexander's friendship, which was spoken of
everywhere in terms of exaggeration, and the peace established on the
Continent, conferred on Napoleon a moral influence in public opinion
which he had not possessed since his coronation. Constant in his hatred
of deliberative assemblies, which he had often termed collections of
babblers, ideologists, and phrasemongers, Napoleon, on his return to
Paris, suppressed the Tribunate, which had been an annoyance to him ever
since the first day of his elevation. The Emperor, who was 'skillful
above all men in speculating on the favourable disposition of opinion,
availed himself at this conjuncture of the enthusiasm produced by his
interview on the Niemen. He therefore discarded from the fundamental
institutions of the government that which still retained the shadow of a
popular character. But it was necessary that he should possess a Senate
merely to vote men; a mute Legislative Body to vote money; that there
should be no opposition in the one and no criticism in the other; no
control over him of any description; the power of arbitrarily doing
whatever he pleased; an enslaved press;--this was what Napoleon wished,
and this he obtained. But the month of March 1814 resolved the question
of absolute power!
In the midst of these great affairs, and while Napoleon was dreaming of
universal monarchy, I beheld in a less extensive sphere the inevitable
consequences of the ambition of a single man. Pillage and robbery were
carried on in all parts over which my diplomatic jurisdiction extended.
Rapine seemed to be legally authorised, and was perpetrated with such
fury, and at the same time with such ignorance, that the agents were
frequently unacquainted with the value of the articles which they
seized. Thus, for example, the Emperor ordered the seizure at Hamburg,
Bremen, and Lübeck of all English merchandise, whatever might be its
nature or origin. The Prince of Neufchatel (Berthier) wrote to me from
the Emperor that I must procure 10,000,000 francs from the Hanse Towns.
M. Daru, the Intendant-General, whose business it was to collect this
sort of levy, which Napoleon had learned to make in Egypt, wrote to urge
me to obtain a prompt and favourable decision. The unfortunate towns
which I was thus enjoined to oppress had already suffered sufficiently.
I had obtained, by means of negotiation, more than was demanded for the
ransom of the English merchandise, which had been seized according
to order. Before I received the letters of M. Darn and the Prince of
Neufchatel I had obtained from Hamburg 16,000,000 instead of 10,000,000,
besides nearly 3,000,000 from Bremen and Lübeck. Thus I furnished the
Government with 9,000,000 more than had been required, and yet I had so
managed that those enormous sacrifices were not overoppressive to those
who made them. I fixed the value of the English merchandise because I
knew that the high price at which it sold on the Continent would not
only cover the proposed ransom but also leave a considerable profit.
Such was the singular effect of the Continental system that when
merchandise was confiscated, and when afterwards the permission to sell
it freely was given, the price fetched at the sale was so large that the
loss was covered, and even great advantage gained.
Peace being concluded with Russia it was necessary to make choice of
an Ambassador, not only to maintain the new relations of amity
between Napoleon and Alexander, but likewise to urge on the promised
intervention of Russia with England,--to bring about reconciliation and
peace between the Cabinets of Paris and London. The Emperor confided
this mission to Caulaincourt, with respect to whom there existed an
unfounded prejudice relating to some circumstances which preceded the
death of the Duc d'Enghien. This unfortunate and unjust impression had
preceded Caulaincourt to St. Petersburg, and it was feared that he would
not experience the reception due to the French Ambassador and to his own
personal qualities. I knew at the time, from positive information,
that after a short explanation with Alexander that monarch retained
no suspicion unfavourable to our Ambassador, for whom he conceived and
maintained great esteem and friendship.
Caulaincourt's mission was not, in all respects, easy of fulfilment,
for the invincible repugnance and reiterated refusal of England to enter
into negotiations with France through the medium of Russia was one of
the remarkable circumstances of the period of which I am speaking. I
knew positively that England was determined never to allow Napoleon
to possess himself of the whole of the Continent,--a project which he
indicated too undisguisedly to admit of any doubt respecting it. For
two years he had indeed advanced with rapid strides; but England was not
discouraged. She was too well aware of the irritation of the sovereigns
and the discontent of the people not be certain that when she desired
it, her lever of gold would again raise up and arm the Continent against
the encroaching power of Napoleon. He, on his part, perceiving that
all his attempts were fruitless, and that England would listen to
no proposals, devised fresh plans for raising up new enemies against
England.
It probably is not forgotten that in 1801 France compelled Portugal
to make common cause with her against England. In 1807 the Emperor did
again what the First Consul had done. By an inexplicable fatality Junot