Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
granted him. Three days after Bernadotte received intelligence of the
defection of de la Romana. The Marquis had contrived to assemble a
great number of English vessels on the coast, and to escape with all
his troops except a depot of 600 men left at Altona. We afterwards heard
that he experienced no interruption on his passage, and that he
landed with his troops at Corunna. I now knew to what to attribute the
drowsiness which always overcame the Marquis de la Romana when he sat
down to take a hand at whist. The fact was, he sat up all night making
preparations for the escape which he had long meditated, while to lull
suspicion he showed himself everywhere during the day, as usual.
On the defection of the Spanish troops I received letters from
Government requiring me to augment my vigilance, and to seek out those
persons who might be supposed to have been in the confidence of the
Marquis de la Romans. I was informed that English agents, dispersed
through the Hanse Towns, were endeavouring to foment discord and
dissatisfaction among the King of Holland's troops. These manoeuvres
were connected with the treason of the Spaniards and the arrival of
Danican in Denmark. Insubordination had already broken out, but it was
promptly repressed. Two Dutch soldiers were shot for striking their
officers, but notwithstanding this severity desertion among the troops
increased to an alarming degree. Indefatigable agents in the pay of the
English Government laboured incessantly to seduce the soldiers of King
Louis (of Holland) from their duty. Some of these agents being denounced
to me were taken almost in the act, and positive proof being adduced of
their guilt they were condemned to death.
These indispensable examples of severity did not check the manoeuvres of
England, though they served to cool the zeal of her agents. I used every
endeavour to second the Prince of Ponte-Corvo in tracing out the persons
employed by England. It was chiefly from the small island of Heligoland
that they found their way to the Continent. This communication was
facilitated by the numerous vessels scattered about the small islands
which lie along that coast. Five or six pieces of gold defrayed the
expense of the passage to or from Heligoland. Thus the Spanish news,
which was printed and often fabricated at London, was profusely
circulated in the north of Germany. Packets of papers addressed to
merchants and well-known persons in the German towns were put into the
post-offices of Embden, Kuipphausen, Varel, Oldenburg, Delmenhorst, and
Bremen. Generally speaking, this part of the coast was not sufficiently
well watched to prevent espionage and smuggling; with regard to
smuggling, indeed, no power could have entirely prevented it. The
Continental system had made it a necessity, so that a great part of the
population depended on it for subsistence.
In the beginning of December 1808 we remarked that the Russian courier
who passed through Konigsberg and Berlin, was regularly detained four,
five, and even six hours on his way to Hamburg. The trading portion of
the population, always suspicious, became alarmed at this chance in the
courier's hours, into which they inquired and soon discovered the cause.
It was ascertained that two agents had been stationed by the postmaster
of the Grand Duchy of Berg at Hamburg, in a village called Eschburg
belonging to the province of Lauenburg. There the courier from Berlin
was stopped, and his packets and letters opened. As soon as these
facts were known in Hamburg there was a general consternation among the
trading class-that is to say, the influential population of the city.
Important and well-grounded complaints were made. Some letters had
been suppressed, enclosures had been taken from one letter and put into
another, and several bills of exchange had gone astray. The intelligence
soon reached the ears of the Prince of Ponte-Corvo, and was confirmed
by the official report of the commissioner for the Imperial and
Royal Post-office, who complained of the delay of the courier, of the
confusion of the packets, and of want of confidence in the Imperial
Post-office. It was impolitic to place such agents in a village where
there was not even a post-office, and where the letters were opened
in an inn without any supervision. This examination of the letters,
sometimes, perhaps, necessary, but often dangerous, and always extremely
delicate, created additional alarm, on account of the persons to whom
the business was entrusted. If the Emperor wished to be made acquainted
with the correspondence of certain persons in the north it would have
been natural to entrust the business to his agents and his commissioner
at Hamburg, and not to two unknown individuals--another inconvenience
attending black cabinets. At my suggestion the Prince of Ponte-Corvo
gave orders for putting a stop to the clandestine business at Eschburg.
The two agents were taken to Hamburg and their conduct inquired into.
They were severely punished. They deserved this, however, less than
those who had entrusted them with such an honourable mission; but
leaders never make much scruple about abandoning their accomplices in
the lower ranks.
But for the pain of witnessing vexations of this sort, which I had
not always power to prevent, especially after Bernadotte's removal, my
residence at Hamburg would have been delightful. Those who have visited
that town know the advantages it possesses from its charming situation
on the Elbe, and above all, the delightful country which surrounds it
like a garden, and extends to the distance of more than a league along
the banks of the Eyder. The manners and customs of the inhabitants bear
the stamp of peculiarity; they are fond of pursuing their occupations
in the open air. The old men are often seen sitting round tables placed
before their doors sipping tea, while the children play before them, and
the young people are at their work. These groups have a very picturesque
effect, and convey a gratifying idea of the happiness of the people.
On seeing the worthy citizens of Hamburg assembled round their doors I
could not help thinking of a beautiful remark of Montesquieu. When he
went to Florence with a letter of recommendation to the Prime Minister
of the Grand Duke of Tuscany he found him sitting at the threshold of
his door, inhaling the fresh air and conversing with some friends. "I
see," said Montesquieu, "that I am arrived among a happy people, since
their Prime Minister can enjoy his leisure moments thus."
A sort of patriarchal simplicity characterises the manners of the
inhabitants of Hamburg. They do not visit each other much, and only
by invitation; but on such occasions they display great luxury
beneath their simple exterior. They are methodical and punctual to an
extraordinary degree. Of this I recollect a curious instance. I was
very intimate with Baron Woght, a man of talent and information, and
exceedingly amiable manners. One day he called to make us a farewell
visit as he intended to set out on the following day for Paris. On
Madame de Bourrienne expressing a hope that he would not protract his
absence beyond six months, the period he had fixed upon, he replied, "Be
assured, madame, nothing shall prevent me getting home on the day I have
appointed, for I have invited a party of friends to dine with me on the
day after my return." The Baron returned at the appointed time, and none
of his guests required to be reminded of his invitation at six months'
date.
Napoleon so well knew the effect which his presence produced that after
a conquest he loved to show himself to the people whose territories he
added to the Empire. Duroc, who always accompanied him when he was not
engaged on missions, gave me a curious account of Napoleon's journey in
1807 to Venice and the other Italian provinces, which, conformably with
the treaty of Presburg, were annexed to the Kingdom of Italy.
In this journey to the Kingdom of Italy Napoleon had several important
objects in view. He was planning great alliances; and he loaded Eugène
with favours for the purpose of sounding him and preparing him for his
mother's divorce. At the same time he intended to have an interview
with his brother Lucien, because, wishing to dispose of the hand of his
brother's daughter, he thought of making her marry the Prince of
the Asturias (Ferdinand), who before the Spanish war, when the first
dissensions between father and son had become manifest, had solicited an
alliance with the Emperor in the hope of getting his support. This was
shortly after the eldest son of Louis had died in Holland of croup. It
has been wrongly believed that Napoleon had an affection for this child
beyond that of an uncle for a nephew. I have already said the truth
about this.
However this may be, it is certain that Napoleon now seriously
contemplated a divorce from Josephine. If there had been no other proof
of this I, who from long habit knew how to read Napoleon's thoughts by
his acts, found a sufficient one in the decree issued at Milan by which
Napoleon adopted Eugène as his son and successor to the crown of Italy,
in default of male and legitimate children directly descended from him.
Lucien went to Mantua on his brother's invitation, and this was the last
interview they had before the Cent Jours. Lucien consented to give his
daughter to the Prince of the Asturias, but this marriage did not
take place. I learned from Duroc to what a height the enmity of Lucien
towards the Beauharnais family, an enmity which I have often had
occasion to speak of, had been renewed on this occasion. Lucien could
not pardon Josephine for the rebuff of the counsels which he had given
her, and which she had rejected with such proper indignation. Lucien had
besides another special reason for giving his daughter to the Prince
of the Asturias. He particularly wished to prevent that Prince marrying
Mademoiselle de Tascher, the niece of Josephine, a marriage for which
M. de Beauharnais, then Ambassador of France at Madrid, was working with
all his might. Lucien also, with his Republican stolidity, submitted
without too much scruple to the idea of having a Bourbon King as
son-in-law. It was also during this journey of Napoleon that he annexed
Tuscany to the Empire.
Bonaparte returned to Paris on the 1st of January 1808. On his way he
stopped for a short time at Chambery, where a young man had been waiting
for him several days. This was Madame de Stael's son, who was then not
more than seventeen years of age. M. Auguste de Stael lodged at the
house of the postmaster of Chambery, and as the Emperor was expected in
the course of the night, he gave orders that he should be called up on
the arrival of the first courier. The couriers, who had been delayed
on the road, did not arrive until six in the morning, and were almost
immediately followed by the Emperor himself, so that M, de Stael was
awakened by the cries of Vive l'Empereur! He had just time to dress
himself hastily, and fly to meet Napoleon, to whom he delivered a
letter, which he had prepared beforehand for the purpose of soliciting
an audience. Lauriston, the aide de camp on duty, took the letter, it
being his business to receive all the letters and petitions which were
presented to Napoleon on his way. Before breakfast the Emperor opened
the letters which Lauriston had laid on the table; he merely looked
at the signatures, and then laid them aside. On opening M. de Stael's
letter he said, "Ah! ah! what have we here? a letter from M. de Stael!
. . . He wishes to see me: . . . What can he want? . . . Can there be
anything in common between me and the refugees of Geneva?"-- "Sire,"
observed Lauriston, "he is a very young man; and, as well as I
could judge from the little I saw of him, there is something very