Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
he exclaimed; "Had this discourse been delivered I would have shut the
gates of the Institute, and thrown M. de Chateaubriand into a dungeon
for life." The storm long raged; at length means of conciliation were
tried. The Emperor required M. de Chateaubriand to prepare another
discourse, which the latter refused to do, in spite of every menace.
Madame Gay applied to Madame Regnault de St. Jean d'Angély, who
interested her husband in favour of the author of the Genie du
Christianisme. M. de Montalivet and Savary also acted on this occasion
in the most praiseworthy manner, and succeeded in appeasing the
first transports of the Emperor's rage. But the name of Chateaubriand
constantly called to mind the circumstances which had occasioned him to
give in his resignation; and, besides, Napoleon had another complaint
against him. He had published in the 'Merceure' an article on a work
of M. Alexandre de Laborde. In that article, which was eagerly read in
Paris, and which caused the suppression of the 'Merceure', occurred the
famous phrase which has been since so often repeated: "In vain a Nero
triumphs: Tacitus is already born in his Empire." This quotation leads
me to repeat an observation, which, I believe, I have already made,
viz. that it is a manifest misconception to compare Bonaparte to Nero.
Napoleon's ambition might blind his vision to political crimes, but
in private life no man could evince less disposition to cruelty or
bloodshed. A proof that he bore little resemblance to Nero is that his
anger against the author of the article in question vented itself in
mere words. "What!" exclaimed he, "does Chateaubriand think I am a fool,
and that I do not know what he means? If he goes on this way I will
have him sabred on the steps of the Tuileries." This language is quite
characteristic of Bonaparte, but it was uttered in the first ebullition
of his wrath. Napoleon merely threatened, but Nero would have made good
his threat; and in such a case there is surely some difference between
words and deeds.
The discourse of M. de Chateaubriand revived Napoleon's former enmity
against him; he received an order to quit Paris: M. Daru returned to him
the manuscript of his discourse, which had been read by Bonaparte, who
cancelled some passages with a pencil. We can be sure that the phrase
about liberty was not one of those spared by the Imperial pencil.
However that may be, written copies were circulated with text altered
and abbreviated; and I have even been told that a printed edition
appeared, but I have never seen any copies; and as I do not find the
discourse in the works of M. de Chateaubriand I have reason to believe
that the author has not yet wished to publish it.
Such were the principal circumstances attending the nomination of
Chateaubriand to the Institute. I shall not relate some others which
occurred on a previous occasion, viz. on the election of an old and
worthy visitor at Malmaison, M. Lemercier, and which will serve to show
one of those strange inconsistencies so frequent in the character of
Napoleon.
After the foundation of the Empire M. Lemercier ceased to present
himself at the Tuileries, St. Cloud, or at Malmaison, though he was
often seen in the salons of Madame Bonaparte while she yet hoped not to
become a Queen. Two places were vacant at once in the second class of
the Institute, which still contained a party favourable to liberty.
This party, finding it impossible to influence the nomination of
both members, contented itself with naming one, it being the mutual
condition, in return for favouring the Government candidate, that the
Government party should not oppose the choice of the liberals. The
liberal party selected M. Lemercier, but as they knew his former
connection with Bonaparte had been broken off they wished first to
ascertain that he would do nothing to commit their choice. Chenier was
empowered to inquire whether M. Lemercier would refuse to accompany them
to the Tuileries when they repaired thither in a body, and whether, on
his election, he would comply with the usual ceremony of being presented
to the Emperor. M. Lemercier replied that he would do nothing contrary
to the customs and usages of the body to which he might belong: he was
accordingly elected. The Government candidate was M. Esmenard, who was
also elected. The two new members were presented to the Emperor on the
same day. On this occasion upwards of 400 persons were present in the
salon, from one of whom I received these details. When the Emperor saw
M. Lemercier, for whom he had long pretended great friendship, he
said to him in a kind tone, "Well, Lemercier, you are now installed."
Lemercier respectfully bowed to the Emperor; but without uttering a word
of reply. Napoleon was mortified at this silence, but without saying
anything more to Lemercier he turned to Esmenard, the member who should
have been most acceptable to him, and vented upon him the whole weight
of his indignation in a manner equally unfeeling and unjust. "Well,
Esmenard," said he, "do you still hold your place in the police?" These
words were spoken in so loud a tone as to be heard by all present; and
it was doubtless this cruel and ambiguous speech which furnished the
enemies of Esmenard with arms to attack his reputation as a man of
honour, and to give an appearance of disgrace to those functions which
he exercised with so much zeal and ability.
When, at the commencement of 1811, I left Paris I had ceased to delude
myself respecting the brilliant career which seemed opening before me
during the Consulate. I clearly perceived that since Bonaparte, instead
of receiving me as I expected, had refused to see me at all, the
calumnies of my enemies were triumphant, and that I had nothing to hope
for from an absolute ruler, whose past injustice rendered him the more
unjust. He now possessed what he had so long and ardently wished for,--a
son of his own, an inheritor of his name, his power, and his throne. I
must take this opportunity of stating that the malevolent and infamous
rumours spread abroad respecting the birth of the King of Rome were
wholly without foundation. My friend Corvisart, who did not for a single
instant leave Maria Louisa during her long and painful labour, removed
from my mind every doubt on the subject. It is as true that the young
Prince, for whom the Emperor of Austria stood sponsor at the font, was
the son of Napoleon and the Archduchess Maria Louisa as it is false that
Bonaparte was the father of the first child of Hortense. The birth of
the son of Napoleon was hailed with general enthusiasm. The Emperor was
at the height of his power from the period of the birth of his son until
the reverse he experienced after the battle of the Moskowa. The Empire,
including the States possessed by the Imperial family, contained nearly
57,000,000 of inhabitants; but the period was fast approaching when
this power, unparalleled in modern times, was to collapse under its own
weight.
--[The little King of Rome, Napoleon Francis Bonaparte, was born on
the 20th of March 1811. Editor of 1836 edition.]--
CHAPTER XXVI.
My return to Hamburg--Government Committee established there--
Anecdote of the Comte de Chaban--Napoleon's misunderstanding with
the Pope--Cardinal Fesch--Convention of a Council--Declaration
required from the Bishops--Spain in 1811--Certainty of war with
Russia--Lauriston supersedes Caulaincourt at St. Petersburg--The war
in Spain neglected--Troops of all nations at the disposal of
Bonaparte--Levy of the National Guard--Treaties with Prussia and
Austria--Capitulation renewed with Switzerland--Intrigues with
Czernischeff--Attacks of my enemies--Memorial to the Emperor--Ogier
de la Saussaye and the mysterious box--Removal of the Pope to
Fontainebleau--Anecdote of His Holiness and M. Denon--Departure of
Napoleon and Maria Louisa for Dresden--Situation of affairs in Spain
and Portugal--Rapp's account of the Emperor's journey to Dantzic--
Mutual wish for war on the part of Napoleon and Alexander--Sweden
and Turkey--Napoleon's vain attempt to detach Sweden from her
alliance with Russia.
As I took the most lively interest in all that concerned the Hanse
Towns, my first care on returning to Hamburg was to collect information
from the most respectable sources concerning the influential members
of the new Government. Davoust was at its head. On his arrival he had
established in the Duchy of Mecklenburg, in Swedish Pomerania, and
in Stralsund, the capital of that province, military posts and
custom-houses, and that in a time of profound peace with those
countries, and without any previous declaration. The omnipotence of
Napoleon, and the terror inspired by the name of Davoust, overcame all
obstacles which might have opposed those iniquitous usurpations. The
weak were forced to yield to the strong.
At Hamburg a Government Committee was formed, consisting of the Prince
of Eekmuhl as President, Comte de Chaban, Councillor of State, who
superintended the departments of the Interior and Finance, and of M.
Faure, Councillor of State, who was appointed to form and regulate the
Courts of Law. I had sometimes met M. de Chaban at Malmaison. He was
distantly related to Josephine, and had formerly been an officer in the
French Guards. He was compelled to emigrate, having been subjected to
every species of persecution during the Revolution.
M. de Chaban was among the first of the emigrants who returned to France
after the 18th Brumaire. He was at first made Sub-Prefect of Vendome,
but on the union of Tuscany with France Napoleon created him a member of
the Junta appointed to regulate the affairs of Tuscany. He next became
Prefect of Coblentz and Brussels, was made a Count by Bonaparte, and was
afterwards chosen a member of the Government Committee at Hamburg. M.
de Chaban was a man of upright principles, and he discharged his various
functions in a way that commanded esteem and attachment.
--[I recollect an anecdote which but too well depicts those
disastrous times. The Comte de Chaban, being obliged to cross
France during the Reign of Terror, was compelled to assume a
disguise. He accordingly provided himself with a smockfrock; a cart
and horses, and a load of corn. In this manner he journeyed from
place to place till he reached the frontiers. He stopped at
Rochambeau, in the Vendomais, where he was recognised by the Marshal
de Rochambeau, who to guard against exciting any suspicion among
his servants, treated him as if he had really been a carman and said
to him, "You may dine in the kitchen."--Bourrienne.]--
The Hanseatic Towns, united to the Grand Empire professedly for
their welfare, soon felt the blessings of the new organisation of
a regenerating Government. They were at once presented with; the
stamp-duty, registration, the lottery, the droits reunis, the tax on
cards, and the 'octroi'. This prodigality of presents caused, as we may
be sure, the most lively gratitude; a tax for military quarters and
for warlike supplies was imposed, but this did not relieve any one from
laving not only officers and soldiers; but even all the chiefs of the
administration and their officials billeted on them: The refineries,
breweries, and manufactures of all sorts were suppressed. The cash
chests of the Admiralty, of the charity houses, of the manufactures, of
the savings-banks, of the working classes, the funds of the prisons, the
relief meant for the infirm, the chests of the refuges, orphanages; and
of the hospitals, were all seized.
More than 200,000 men, Italian, Dutch, and French soldiers came in turn
to stay there, but only to be clothed and shod; and then they left newly