Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
sovereigns would communicate without delay the official document to
their Allies, and that they were convinced that immediately on receiving
their reply the negotiations might be opened without any interruption of
the war.
We shall now see the reason why these first negotiations came to no
result. In the month of October the Allies overthrew the colossal
edifice denominated the French Empire. When led by victory to the
banks of the Rhine they declared their wish to abstain from conquest,
explained their intentions, and manifested an unalterable resolution
to abide by them. This determination of the Allies induced the French
Government to evince pacific intentions. Napoleon wished, by an apparent
desire for peace, to justify, if I may so express myself, in the eyes of
his subjects, the necessity of new sacrifices; which, according to his
proclamations, he demanded only to enable him to obtain peace on as
honourable conditions as possible. But the truth is, he was resolved not
even to listen to the offers made at Frankfort. He always represented
the limits of the Rhine as merely a compensation for the dismemberment
of Poland and the immense aggrandisement of the English possessions in
Asia. But he wanted to gain time, and, if possible, to keep the Allied
armies on the right bank of the Rhine.
The immense levies made in France, one after the other, had converted
the conscription into a sort of pressgang. Men employed in agriculture
and manufactures were dragged from their labours; and the people began
to express their dissatisfaction at the measures of Government more
loudly than they had hitherto ventured to do; yet all were willing to
make another effort, if they could have persuaded themselves that the
Emperor would henceforth confine his thoughts to France alone. Napoleon
sent Caulaincourt to the headquarters of the Allies; but that was
only for the sake of gaining time, and inducing a belief that he was
favourably disposed to peace.
The Allies having learned the immense levies of troops which Napoleon
was making, and being well acquainted with the state of feeling in
France, published the famous manifesto, addressed to the French people,
which was profusely circulated, and may be referred to as a warning to
subjects who trust to the promises of Governments.
The good faith with which the promises in the manifesto were kept may
be judged of from the Treaty of Paris. In the meantime the manifesto
did not a little contribute to alienate from Napoleon those who were
yet faithful to his cause; for, by believing in the declarations of the
Allies, they saw in him the sole obstacle to that peace which France so
ardently desired. On this point, too, the Allies were not wrong, and
I confess that I did not see without great surprise that the Duc de
Rovigo, in that part of his Memoirs where he mentions this manifesto,
reproaches those who framed it for representing the Emperor as a madman,
who replied to overtures of peace only by conscription levies: After
all, I do not intend to maintain that the declaration was entirely
sincere; with respect to the future it certainly was not. Switzerland
was already tampered with, and attempts were made to induce her to
permit the Allied troops to enter France by the bridge of Bale. Things
were going on no better in the south of France, where the Anglo-Spanish
army threatened our frontiers by the Pyrenees, and already occupied
Pampeluna; and at the same time the internal affairs of the country
were no less critical than its external position. It was in vain to levy
troops; everything essential to an army was wanting. To meet the most
pressing demands the Emperor drew out 30,000,000 from the immense
treasure which he had accumulated in the cellars and galleries of the
Pavillion Marsan, at the Tuileries. These 30,000,000 were speedily
swallowed up. Nevertheless it was an act of generosity on the part of
Napoleon, and I never could understand on what ground the Legislative
Body complained of the outlay, because, as the funds did not proceed
from the Budget, there needed no financial law to authorise their
application. Besides, why did these rigid legislators, who, while
fortune smiled on Bonaparte, dared not utter a word on the subject,
demand, previously to the gratuitous gift just mentioned, that the
350,000,000 in the Emperor's privy puree should be transferred to the
Imperial treasury and carried to the public accounts? Why did they wink
at the accumulation in the Tuileries of the contributions and exactions
levied in, conquered countries? The answer is plain: because there would
have been danger in opposing it.
Amidst the difficulties which assailed the Emperor he cast his eyes on
M. de Talleyrand. But it being required, as a condition of his receiving
the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, that he should resign his office of
Vice-Grand-Elector, M. de Talleyrand preferred a permanent post to a
portfolio, which the caprice of a moment might withdraw. I have been
informed that, in a conversation with the Emperor, M. de Talleyrand gave
him the extraordinary advice of working upon the ambition of the English
family of Wellesley, and to excite in the mind of Wellington, the lustre
of whose reputation was now dawning, ambitious projects which would
have embarrassed the coalition. Napoleon, however, did not adopt this
proposition, the issue of which he thought too uncertain, and above all,
too remote, in the urgent circumstances in which it stood. Caulaincourt
was then made Minister for Foreign Affairs, in lieu of M. Maret, who was
appointed Secretary of State, an office much better suited to him.
Meanwhile the Emperor was wholly intent on the means of repelling the
attack which was preparing against him. The critical circumstances in
which he was placed seemed to restore the energy which time had in some
measure robbed him of. He turned his eyes towards Spain, and resolved to
bring the army from that country to oppose the Allies, whose movements
indicated their intention of entering France by Switzerland. An event
occurred connected with this subject calculated to have a decided
influence on the affairs of the moment, namely, the renunciation by
Joseph, King of Spain, of all right to the crown, to be followed by the
return; as had been agreed on; of Ferdinand to his dominions. Joseph
made this sacrifice at the instigation of his brother. The treaty was
signed, but an inconceivable delay occurred in its execution, while the
torrent, which was advancing upon France, rushed forward so rapidly that
the treaty could not be carried into execution. Ferdinand, it is true,
re-ascended his throne, but from other causes.
The Emperor was deeply interested in the march of the Allies. It was
important to destroy the bridge of Bale, because the Rhine once crossed
masses of the enemy would be thrown into France. At this time I
had close relations with a foreign diplomat whom I am forbidden by
discretion to name. He told me that the enemy was advancing towards the
frontier, and that the bridge of Bale would not be destroyed, as it
had been so agreed at Berne, where the Allies had gained the day. This
astonished me, because I knew, on the other hand, from a person who
ought, to have been equally well informed,--that it was hoped the bridge
would be blown up. Being much interested in knowing the truth, I sent
on my own account, an agent to Bale who on his return told me that the
bridge would remain.
On the 19th of December the Legislative Body was convoked. It was on a
Wednesday. M. Laine was Vice-President under M. Regnier. A committee was
appointed to examine and report on the communications of the Emperor.
The report and conclusions of the committee were not satisfactory; it
was alleged that they betrayed a revolutionary tendency, of which M.
Laine was absurdly accused of having been one of the promoters; but all
who knew him must have been convinced of the falsehood of the charge.
The Emperor ordered the report to be seized, and then adjourned the
Legislative Body. Those who attentively observed the events of the time
will recollect the stupor which prevailed in Paris on the intelligence
of this seizure and of the adjournment of the Legislative Body. A
thousand conjectures were started as to what new occurrences had taken
place abroad, but nothing satisfactory was learned.
I considered this a great mistake. Who can doubt that if the Legislative
Body had taken the frank and noble step of declaring that France
accepted the conditions of Frankfort they would not have been listened
to by the Allies? But the words, "You are dishonoured if you cede a
single village acquired by a 'Senatus-consulte'," always, resounded in
Napoleon's ears: they flattered his secret thoughts, and every pacific
proposal was rejected.
The members of the adjourned Legislative Body went as usual to
take leave of the Emperor, who received them on a Sunday, and after
delivering to them the speech, which is very well known, dismissed the
rebels with great ill-humour, refusing to hear any explanation. "I
have suppressed your address," he began abruptly: "it was incendiary.
I called you round me to do good--you have done ill. Eleven-twelfths
of you are well-intentioned, the others, and above all M. Laine,
are factious intriguers, devoted to England, to all my enemies, and
corresponding through the channel of the advocate Deseze with the
Bourbons. Return to your Departments, and feel that my eye will follow
you; you have endeavoured to humble me, you may kill me, but you shall
not dishonour me. You make remonstrances; is this a time, when the
stranger invades our provinces, and 200,000 Cossacks are ready to
overflow our country? There may have been petty abuses; I never connived
at them. You, M. Raynouard, you said that. Prince Massena robbed a man
at Marseilles of his house. You lie! The General took possession of a
vacant house, and my Minister shall indemnify the proprietor. Is it thus
that you dare affront a Marshal of France who has bled for his country,
and grown gray in victory? Why did you not make your complaints in
private to me? I would have done you justice. We should wash our
dirty linen at home, and not drag it out before the world. You, call
yourselves Representatives of the Nation. It is not true; you are only
Deputies of the Departments; a small portion of the State, inferior to
the Senate, inferior even to the Council of State. The Representatives
of the People! I am alone the Representative of the People. Twice
have 24,000,000 of French called me to the throne: which of you durst
undertake such a burden? It had already overwhelmed (ecrase), your
Assemblies, and your Conventions, your Vergniauds and your Guadets,
your Jacobins and your Girondins. They are all dead! What, who are you?
nothing--all authority is in the Throne; and what is the Throne? this
wooden frame covered with velvet?--no, I am the Throne! You have added
wrong to reproaches. You have talked of concessions--concessions that
even my enemies dared not ask! I suppose if they asked Champaigne you
would have had me give them La Brie besides; but in four months I will
conquer peace, or I shall be dead! You advise! how dare you debate of
such high matters (de si graves interets)! You have put me in the front
of the battle as the cause of war--it is infamous (c'est une atrocité).
In all your committees you have excluded the friends of Government--
extraordinary commission--committee of finance--committee of the
address, all, all my enemies. M. Laine, I repeat it, is a traitor; he
is a wicked man, the others are mere intriguers. I do justice to the
eleven-twelfths; but the factions I know, and will pursue. Is it, I
ask again, is it while the enemy is in France that you should have done