Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
that a dozen of men were killed by the bayonet at his side, and his hat
was perforated by a ball. But what was to be done against overwhelming
numbers!
In this state of things the Duke of Ragusa made known his situation to
Joseph Bonaparte, who authorised him to negotiate.
Joseph's answer is so important in reference to the events which
succeeded that I will transcribe it here.
If the Dukes of Ragusa and Treviso can no longer hold out, they are
authorised to negotiate with Prince Schwartzenberg and the Emperor
of Russia, who are before them.
They will fall back on the Loire.
(Signed) JOSEPH
Montmartre, 30th March 1814, 12 oclock
It was not until a considerable time after the receipt of this formal
authority that Marmont and Mortier ceased to make a vigorous resistance
against the Allied army, for the suspension of arms was not agreed
upon until four in the afternoon. It was not waited for by Joseph; at a
quarter past twelve--that is to say, immediately after he had addressed
to Marmont the authority just alluded to Joseph repaired to the Bois de
Boulogne to regain the Versailles road, and from thence to proceed to
Rambouillet. The precipitate flight of Joseph astonished only those who
did not know him. I know for a fact that several officers attached to
his staff were much dissatisfied at his alacrity on this occasion.
In these circumstances what was to be done but to save Paris, which
there was no possibility of defending two hours longer. Methinks I still
see Marmont when, on the evening of the 30th of March, he returned from
the field of battle to his hotel in the Rue de Paradis, where I was
waiting for him, together with about twenty other persons, among
whom were MM. Perregaua and Lafitte. When he entered he was scarcely
recognisable: he had a beard of eight days' growth; the greatcoat which
covered his uniform was in tatters, and he was blackened with powder
from head to foot. We considered what was best to be done, and all
insisted on the necessity of signing a capitulation. The Marshal must
recollect that the exclamation of every one about him was, "France must
be saved." MM. Perregaus and Lafitte delivered their opinions in a
very decided way, and it will readily be conceived how great was the
influence of two men who were at the head of the financial world. They
alleged that the general wish of the Parisians, which nobody had a
better opportunity of knowing than themselves, was decidedly averse to a
protracted conflict, and that France was tired of the yoke of Bonaparte.
This last declaration gave a wider range to the business under
consideration. The question was no longer confined to the capitulation
of Paris, but a change in the government was thought of, and the name of
the Bourbons was pronounced for the first time. I do not recollect which
of us it was who, on hearing mention made of the possible recall of
the old dynasty, remarked how difficult it would be to bring about a
restoration without retrograding to the past. But I think I am perfectly
correct in stating that M. Lafitte said, "Gentlemen, we shall have
nothing to fear if we have a good constitution which will guarantee
the rights of all." The majority of the meeting concurred in this wise
opinion, which was not without its influence on Marshal Marmont.
During this painful meeting an unexpected incident occurred. One of the
Emperor's aides de camp arrived at Marmont's. Napoleon, being informed
of the advance of the Allies on Paris, had marched with the utmost speed
from the banks of the Marne on the road of Fontainebleau. In the evening
he was in person at Froidmanteau, whence he despatched his envoy to
Marshal Marmont. From the language of the aide de camp it was easy to
perceive that the state of opinion at the Imperial headquarters was very
different from that which prevailed among the population of Paris. The
officer expressed indignation at the very idea of capitulating, and
he announced with inconceivable confidence the approaching arrival of
Napoleon in Paris, which he yet hoped to save from the occupation of
the enemy. The officer informed us that Napoleon trusted to the people
rising in spite of the capitulation, and that they would unpave the
streets to stone the Allies on their entrance. I ventured to dissent
from this absurd idea of defence, and I observed that it was madness to
suppose that Paris could resist the numerous troops who were ready
to enter on the following day; that the suspension of arms had been
consented to by the Allies only to afford time for drawing up a more
regular capitulation, and that the armistice could not be broken without
trampling on all the laws of honour. I added that the thoughts of the
people were directed towards a better future; that the French were tired
of a despotic Government and of the distress to which continual war had
reduced trade and industry; "for," said I, "when a nation is sunk
to such a state of misery its hopes can only be directed towards
the future; it is natural they should be so directed, even without
reflection." Most of the individuals present concurred in my opinion,
and the decision of the meeting was unanimous. Marshal Marmont has since
said to me, "I have been blamed, my dear Bourrienne: but you were with
me on the 30th of March. You were a witness to the wishes expressed by a
portion of the principal inhabitants of Paris. I acted as I was urged to
do only because I considered the meeting to be composed of men entirely
disinterested, and who had nothing to expect from the return of the
Bourbons."
Such is a correct statement of the facts which some persons have
perverted with the view of enhancing Napoleon's glory. With respect to
those versions which differ from mine I have only one comment to offer,
which is, that I saw and heard what I describe.
The day after the capitulation of Paris--Marmont went in the evening to
see the Emperor at Fontainebleau. He supped with him. Napoleon praised
his defence of Paris.. After supper the Marshal rejoined his corps at
Essonne, and six hours after the Emperor arrived there to visit the
lines. On leaving Paris Marmont had left Colonels Fabvier and Dent's
to direct the execution of the capitulation. These officers joined the
Emperor and the Marshal as they were proceeding up the banks of the
river at Essonne. They did not disguise the effect which the entrance of
the Allies had produced in Paris. At this intelligence the Emperor was
deeply mortified, and he returned immediately to Fontainebleau, leaving
the Marshal at Essonne.
At daybreak on the 31st of March Paris presented a novel and curious
spectacle. No sooner had the French troops evacuated the capital than
the principal streets resounded with cries of "Down with Bonaparte!"--
"No conscription!"--"No consolidated duties (droits reunis)!" With these
cries were mingled that of "The Bourbons for ever!" but this latter cry
was not repeated so frequently as the others: in general I remarked
that the people gaped and listened with a sort of indifference. As I had
taken a very active part in all that had happened during some preceding
days I was particularly curious to study what might be called the
physiognomy of Paris. This was the second opportunity which had offered
itself for such a study, and I now saw the people applaud the fall of
the man whom they had received with enthusiasm after the 18th Brumaire.
The reason was, that liberty was then hoped for, as it was hoped for
in 1814. I went out early in the morning to see the numerous groups
of people who had assembled in the streets. I saw women tearing their
handkerchiefs and distributing the fragments as the emblems of the
revived lily. That same morning I met on the Boulevards, and some hours
afterwards on the Place Louis XV., a party of gentlemen who paraded the
streets of the capital proclaiming the restoration of the Bourbons
and shouting, "Vive le Roi!" and "Vive Louis XVIII!" At their head I
recognised MM. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld, Comte de Froissard, the
Duc de Luxembourg, the Duc de Crussol, Seymour, etc. The cavalcade
distributed white cockades in passing along, and was speedily joined by
a numerous crowd, who repaired to the Place Vendome. The scene that
was acted there is well known, and the enthusiasm of popular joy could
scarcely excuse the fury that was directed against the effigy of the
man whose misfortunes, whether merited or not, should have protected
him from such outrages. These excesses served, perhaps more than is
generally supposed, to favour the plans of the leaders of the Royalist
party, to whom M. Nesselrode had declared that before he would pledge
himself to further their views he must have proofs that they were
seconded by the population of Paris.
I was afterwards informed by an eye-witness of what took place on the
evening of the 31st of March in one of the principal meetings of the
Royalists, which was held in the hotel of the Comte de Morfontaine,
who acted as president on the occasion. Amidst a chaos of abortive
propositions and contradictory motions M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld
proposed that a deputation should be immediately sent to the Emperor
Alexander to express to him the wish of the meeting. This motion was
immediately approved, and the mover was chosen to head the deputation.
On leaving the hotel the deputation met M. de Chateaubriand, who had
that very day been, as it were, the precursor of the restoration,
by publishing his admirable manifesto, entitled "Bonaparte and the
Bourbons." He was invited to join the deputation; but nothing could
overcome his diffidence and induce him to speak. On arriving at the
hotel in the Rue St. Florentin the deputation was introduced to Count
Nesselrode, to whom M. Sosthenes de la Rochefoucauld briefly explained
its object; he spoke of the wishes of the meeting and of the manifest
desire of Paris and of France. He represented the restoration of
the Bourbons as the only means of securing the peace of Europe; and
observed, in conclusion, that as the exertions of the day must have
been very fatiguing to the Emperor, the deputation would not solicit
the favour of being introduced to him, but would confidently rely on
the good faith of his Imperial Majesty. "I have just left the Emperor,"
replied M. Nesselrode, "and can pledge myself for his intentions. Return
to the meeting and announce to the French people that in compliance with
their wishes his Imperial Majesty will use all his influence to restore
the crown to the legitimate monarch: his Majesty Louis XVIII. shall
reascend the throne of France." With this gratifying intelligence the
deputation returned to the meeting in the Rue d'Anjou.
There is no question that great enthusiasm was displayed on the entrance
of the Allies into Paris. It may be praised or blamed, but the fact
cannot be denied. I closely watched all that was passing, and I observed
the expression of a sentiment which I had long anticipated when, after
his alliance with the daughter of the Caesars, the ambition of
Bonaparte increased in proportion as it was gratified: I clearly foresaw
Napoleon's fall. Whoever watched the course of events during the last
four years of the Empire must have observed, as I did, that from the
date of Napoleon's marriage with Maria Louisa the form of the French
Government became daily more and more tyrannical and oppressive. The
intolerable height which this evil had attained is evident from the
circumstance that at the end of 1813 the Legislative Body, throwing
aside the mute character which it had hitherto maintained, presumed to
give a lecture to him who had never before received a lecture from any
one. On the 31st of March it was recollected what had been the conduct