Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
of Bonaparte on the occasion alluded to, and those of the deputies who
remained in Paris related how the gendarmes had opposed their entrance
into the hall of the Assembly. All this contributed wonderfully to
irritate the public mind against Napoleon. He had become master of
France by the sword, and the sword being sheathed, his power was at
an end, for no popular institution identified with the nation the new
dynasty which he hoped to found. The nation admired but did not love
Napoleon, for it is impossible to love what is feared, and he had done
nothing to claim the affections of France.
I was present at all the meetings and conferences which were held at
M de Talleyrand's hotel, where the Emperor Alexander had taken up his
residence. Of all the persons present at these meetings M. de Talleyrand
was most disposed to retain Napoleon at the head of the Government,
with restrictions on the exercise of his power. In the existing state
of things it was only possible to choose one of three courses: first, to
make peace with Napoleon, with the adoption of proper securities against
him; second, to establish a Regency; and third, to recall the Bourbons.
On the 13th of March I witnessed the entrance of the Allied sovereigns
into Paris, and after the procession had passed the new street of the
Luxembourg I repaired straight to M. de Talleyrand's hotel, which I
reached before the Emperor Alexander, who arrived at a quarter-past one.
When his Imperial Majesty entered M. de Talleyrand's drawing-room most
of the persons assembled, and particularly the Abbe de Pradt, the Abbe
de Montesquieu, and General Dessolles, urgently demanded the restoration
of the Bourbons. The Emperor did not come to any immediate decision.
Drawing me into the embrasure of a window, which looked upon the street,
he made some observations which enabled me to guess what would be his
determination. "M. de Bourrienne," said he, "you have been the friend
of Napoleon, and so have I. I was his sincere friend; but there is no
possibility of remaining at peace with a man of such bad faith." These
last words opened my eyes; and when the different propositions which
were made came under discussion I saw plainly that Bonaparte, in making
himself Emperor, had made up the bed for the Bourbons.
A discussion ensued on the three possible measures which I have above
mentioned, and which were proposed by the Emperor Alexander himself.
I thought, if I may so express myself, that his Majesty was playing
a part, when, pretending to doubt the possibility of recalling the
Bourbons, which he wished above all things, he asked M. de Talleyrand
what means he proposed to employ for the attainment of that object?
Besides the French, there were present at this meeting the Emperor
Alexander, the King of Prussia, Prince Schwartzenberg, M. Nesselrode,
M. Pozzo-di-Borgo, and Prince Liechtenstein. During the discussion
Alexander walked about with some appearance of agitation. "Gentlemen,"
said, he, addressing us in an elevated tone of voice, "you know that it
was not I who commenced the war; you know that Napoleon came to attack
me in my dominions. But we are not drawn here by the thirst of conquest
or the desire of revenge. You have seen the precautions I have taken
to preserve your capital, the wonder of the arts, from the horrors of
pillage, to which the chances of war would have consigned it. Neither
my Allies nor myself are engaged in a war of reprisals; and I should be
inconsolable if any violence were committed on your magnificent city. We
are not waging war against France, but against Napoleon, and the enemies
of French liberty. William, and you, Prince" (here the Emperor turned
towards the King of Prussia and Prince Schwartzenberg, who represented
the Emperor of Austria), "you can both bear testimony that the
sentiments I express are yours." Both bowed assent to this observation
of Alexander, which his Majesty several times repeated in different
words. He insisted that France should be perfectly free; and declared
that as soon as the wishes of the country were understood, he and his
Allies would support them, without seeking to favour any particular
government.
The Abbe de Pradt then declared, in a tone of conviction, that we were
all Royalists, and that the sentiments of France concurred with ours.
The Emperor Alexander, adverting to the different governments which
might be suitable to France, spoke of the maintenance of Bonaparte on
the throne, the establishment of a Regency, the choice of Bernadotte,
and the recall of the Bourbons. M. de Talleyrand next spoke, and I well
remember his saying to the Emperor of Russia, "Sire, only one of two
things is possible. We must either have Bonaparte or Louis XVIII.
Bonaparte, if you can support him; but you cannot, for you are not
alone.... We will not have another soldier in his stead. If we want a
soldier, we will keep the one we have; he is the first in the world.
After him any other who may be proposed would not have ten men to
support him. I say again, Sire, either Bonaparte or Louis XVIII.
Anything else is an intrigue." These remarkable words of the Prince de
Benevento produced on the mind of Alexander all the effect we could hope
for. Thus the question was simplified, being reduced now to only two
alternatives; and as it was evident that Alexander would have nothing
to do with either Napoleon or his family, it was reduced to the single
proposition of the restoration of the Bourbons.
On being pressed by us all, with the exception of M. de Talleyrand, who
still wished to leave the question undecided between Bonaparte and Louis
XVIII., Alexander at length declared that he would no longer treat with
Napoleon. When it was represented to him that that declaration referred
only to Napoleon personally, and did not extend to his family, he added,
"Nor with any member of his family." Thus as early as the 31st of March
the restoration of the Bourbons might be considered as decided.
I cannot omit mentioning the hurry with which Laborie, whom M. de
Talleyrand appointed Secretary to the Provisional Government, rushed out
of the apartment as soon as he got possession of the Emperor Alexander's
declaration. He got it printed with such expedition that in the space
of an hour it was posted on all the walls in Paris; and it certainly
produced an extraordinary effect. As yet nothing warranted a doubt that
Alexander would not abide by his word. The treaty of Paris could not
be anticipated; and there was reason to believe that France, with a new
Government, would obtain more advantageous conditions than if the Allies
had, treated with Napoleon. But this illusion speedily vanished.
On the evening of the 31st of March I returned to M. de Talleyrand's.
I again saw the Emperor Alexander, who, stepping up to me, said, "M.
de Bourrienne you must take the superintendence of the Post-office
department." I could not decline this precise invitation on the part of
the Czar; and besides, Lavalette having departed on the preceding day,
the business would have been for a time suspended; a circumstance which
would have been extremely prejudicial to the restoration which we wished
to favour.
I went at once to the hotel in the Rue J. J. Rousseau, where, indeed,
I found that not only was there no order to send out the post next
day, but that it had been even countermanded. I went that night to the
administrators, who yielded to my requests and, seconded by them, next
morning I got all the clerks to be at their post. I reorganised the
service, and the post went out on the 1st of April as usual. Such are my
remembrances of the 31st of March.
A Provisional Government was established, of which M. de Talleyrand was
appointed President. The other members were General Beurnonville, Comte
Francois de Jaucourt, the Duc Dalberg, who had married one of Maria
Louisa's ladies of honour, and the Abby de Montesquieu. The place of
Chancellor of the Legion of Honour was given to the Abbe de Pradt. Thus
there were two abbes among the members of the Provisional Government,
and by a singular chance they happened to be the same who had officiated
at the mass which was performed in the Champ de Mars on the day of the
first federation.
Those who were dissatisfied with the events of the 31st of March now
saw no hope but in the possibility that the Emperor of Austria would
separate from his Allies, or at least not make common cause with them
in favour of the re-establishment of the Bourbons. But that monarch had
been brought up in the old policy of his family, and was imbued with
the traditional principles of his Cabinet. I know for a fact that the
sentiments and intentions of the Emperor of Austria perfectly coincided
with those of his Allies. Anxious to ascertain the truth on this
subject, I ventured, when in conversation with the Emperor Alexander, to
hint at the reports I had heard relative to the cause of the Emperor of
Austria's absence. I do not recollect the precise words of his Majesty's
answer, but it enabled me to infer with certainty that Francis II.
was in no way averse to the overthrow of his son-in-law, and that his
absence from the scene of the discussions was only occasioned by a
feeling of delicacy natural enough in his situation.
Caulaincourt, who was sent by Napoleon to the headquarters of the
Emperor Alexander, arrived there on the night of the 30th of March.
He, however, did not obtain an interview with the Czar until after his
Majesty had received the Municipal Council of Paris, at the head of
which was M. de Chabrol. At first Alexander appeared somewhat surprised
to see the Municipal Council, which he did not receive exactly in the
way that was expected; but this coldness was merely momentary, and
he afterwards addressed the Council in a very gracious way, though he
dropped no hint of his ulterior intentions.
Alexander, who entertained a personal regard for Caulaincourt, received
him kindly in his own character, but not as the envoy of Napoleon. "You
have come too late," said the Czar. "It is all over. I can say nothing
to you at present. Go to Paris, and I will see you there." These words
perfectly enlightened Caulaincourt as to the result of his mission. His
next interview with the Emperor Alexander at M. de Talleyrand's did not
take place until after the declaration noticed in my last chapter. The
conversation they had together remained a secret, for neither Alexander
nor the Duke of Vicenza mentioned it; but there was reason to infer,
from some words which fell from the Emperor Alexander, that he had
received Caulaincourt rather as a private individual than as the
ambassador of Napoleon, whose power, indeed, he could not recognise
after his declaration. The Provisional Government was not entirely
pleased with Caulaincourt's presence in Paris, and a representation was
made to the Russian Emperor on the subject. Alexander concurred in the
opinion of the Provisional Government, which was expressed through the
medium of the Abbe de Pradt. M. de Caulaincourt, therefore, at the wish
of the Czar, returned to the Emperor, then at Fontainebleau.
CHAPTER, XXXV.
1814.
Situation of Bonaparte during the events of the 30th and 31st of
March--His arrival at Fontainebleau--Plan of attacking Paris--
Arrival of troops at Fontainebleau--The Emperor's address to the
Guard--Forfeiture pronounced by the Senate--Letters to Marmont--
Correspondence between Marmont and Schwartzenberg--Macdonald
informed of the occupation of Paris--Conversation between the
Emperor and Macdonald at Fontainebleau--Beurnonville's letter--
Abdication on condition of a Regency--Napoleon's wish to retract his
act of abdication--Macdonald Ney, and Caulaincourt sent to Paris--