Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
nothing but a new principle is sufficiently strong to establish the new
order of things which must be adopted. Louis XVIII. is a principle."
None of the members of the Provisional Government were present at this
conference, for no one was willing to appear to influence in any way
the determination of the chief of the coalition upon the subject of this
important mission. General Dessolles alone, in quality of commander of
the National Guard of Paris, was requested to be present. At length the
Marshals entered the salon where we were, and their appearance created
a sensation which it is impossible to describe; but the expression
of dissatisfaction which we thought we remarked in their countenances
restored the hopes of those who for some hours had been a prey to
apprehensions. Macdonald, with his head elevated, and evidently under
the influence of strong irritation, approached Beurnonville, and thus
addressed him, in answer to a question which the latter had put to him.
"Speak not to me, sir; I have nothing to say to you. You have made me
forget a friendship of thirty years!" Then turning to Dupont, "As for
you, sir," he continued in the same tone, "your conduct towards
the Emperor is not generous. I confess that he has treated you with
severity, perhaps he may even have been unjust to you with respect to
the affair of Baylen, but how long has it been the practice to avenge a
personal wrong at the expense of one's country?"
These remarks were made with such warmth, and in so elevated a tone of
voice, that Caulaincourt thought it necessary to interfere, and said,
"Do not forget, gentlemen, that this is the residence of the Emperor
of Russia." At this moment M. de Talleyrand returned from the interview
with the Emperor which he had had after the departure of the Marshals,
and approaching the group formed round Macdonald, "Gentlemen," said
he, "if you wish to dispute and discuss, step down to my apartments."--
"That would be useless," replied Macdonald; "my comrades and I do
not acknowledge the Provisional Government." The three Marshals, Ney,
Macdonald, and Marmont, then immediately retired with Caulaincourt,
and went to Ney's hotel, there to await the answer which the Emperor
Alexander had promised to give them after consulting the King of
Prussia.
Such was this night-scene; which possessed more dramatic effect than
many which are performed on the stage. In it all was real: on its
denouement depended the political state of France, and the existence of
all those who had already declared themselves in favour of the Bourbons.
It is a remarkable fact, and one which affords a striking lesson to men
who are tempted to sacrifice themselves for any political cause, that
most of those who then demanded the restoration of the Bourbons at the
peril of their lives have successively fallen into disgrace.
When the Marshals and Caulaincourt had retired we were all anxious to
know what had passed between them and the Emperor of Russia. I learned
from Dessolles, who, as I have stated, was present at the conference in
his rank of commander of the National Guard of Paris, that the Marshals
were unanimous in urging Alexander to accede to a Regency. Macdonald
especially supported that proposition with much warmth; and among the
observations he made I recollect Dessolles mentioned the following:--
"I am not authorised to treat in any way for the fate reserved for the
Emperor. We have full powers to treat for the Regency, the army, and
France; but the Emperor has positively forbidden us to specify anything
personally regarding himself." Alexander merely replied, "That does not
astonish me." The Marshals then, resuming the conversation, dwelt much
on the respect which was due to the military glory of France. They
strongly manifested their disinclination to abandon the family of a
man who had so often led them to victory; and lastly, they reminded the
Emperor Alexander of his own declaration, in which he proclaimed, in
his own name as well as on the part of his Allies, that it was not their
intention to impose on France any government whatever.
Dessolles, who had all along declared himself in favour of the Bourbons,
in his turn entered into the discussion with as much warmth as the
partisans of the Regency. He represented to Alexander how many persons
would be compromised for merely having acted or declared their opinions
behind the shield of his promises. He repeated what Alexander had
already been told, that the Regency would, in fact, be nothing but
Bonaparte in disguise. However, Dessolles acknowledged that such was
the effect of Marshal Macdonald's powerful and persuasive eloquence
that Alexander seemed to waver; and, unwilling to give the Marshals a
positive refusal, he had recourse to a subterfuge, by which he would be
enabled to execute the design he had irrevocably formed without seeming
to take on himself alone the responsibility of a change of government.
Dessolles accordingly informed us that Alexander at last gave the
following answer to the Marshals: "Gentlemen, I am not alone; in an
affair of such importance I must consult the King of Prussia, for I have
promised to do nothing without consulting him. In a few hours you shall
know my decision." It was this decision which the Marshals went to wait
for at Ney's.
Most of the members of the Provisional Government attributed the
evasive reply of the Emperor Alexander to the influence of the speech
of Dessolles. For my part, while I do justice to the manner in which
he declared himself on this important occasion, I do not ascribe to his
eloquence the power of fixing Alexander's resolution, for I well know by
experience how easy it is to make princes appear to adopt the advice
of any one when the counsel given is precisely that which they wish
to follow. From the sentiments of Alexander at this time I had not
the slightest doubt as to the course he would finally pursue, and I
considered what he said about consulting the King of Prussia to be
merely a polite excuse, by which he avoided the disagreeable task of
giving the Marshals a direct refusal.
I therefore returned home quite satisfied as to the result of the
Emperor Alexander's visit to the King of Prussia. I knew, from the
persons about the Czar, that he cherished a hatred, which was but too
well justified, towards Bonaparte. Frederick William is of too firm a
character to have yielded to any of the considerations which might on
this subject have been pressed on him as they had been on the Emperor of
Russia. But, besides that the King of Prussia had legitimate reasons
for disliking Napoleon, policy would at that time have required that
he should appear to be his enemy, for to do so was to render himself
popular with his subjects. But the King of Prussia did not need to act
under the dictates of policy; he followed his own opinion in rejecting
the propositions of the Marshals, which he did without hesitation, and
with much energy.
While the Marshals had gone to Paris Bonaparte was anxious to ascertain
whether his Commissioners had passed the advanced posts of the foreign
armies, and in case of resistance he determined to march on Paris, for
he could not believe that he had lost every chance. He sent an aide de
camp to desire Marmont to come immediately to Fontainebleau: such was
Napoleon's impatience that instead of waiting for the return of his
aide de camp he sent off a second and then a third officer on the same
errand. This rapid succession of envoys from the Emperor alarmed the
general who commanded the different divisions of Marmont's corps at
Essonne. They feared that the Emperor was aware of the Convention
concluded that morning with Prince Schwartzenberg, and that he had sent
for Marmont with the view of reprimanding him. The fact was, Napoleon
knew nothing of the matter, for Marmont, on departing for Paris with
Macdonald and Ney, had left orders that it should be said that he had
gone to inspect his lines. Souham; Lebrun des Essarts, and Bordessoulle,
who had given their assent to the Convention with Prince Schwartzenberg,
deliberated in the absence of Marmont, and, perhaps being ignorant that
he was released from his promise, and fearing the vengeance of Napoleon,
they determined to march upon Versailles. On arriving there the troops
not finding the Marshal at their head thought themselves betrayed, and
a spirit of insurrection broke out among them. One of Marmont's aides
de camp, whom he had left at Essonne, exerted every endeavour to prevent
the departure of his general's corps, but, finding all his efforts
unavailing, he hastened to Paris to inform the Marshal of what had
happened. 'When Marmont received this news he was breakfasting at Ney's
with Macdonald and Caulaincourt: they were waiting for the answer which
the Emperor Alexander had promised to send them. The march of his corps
on Versailles threw Marmont into despair. He said to the Marshals, "I
must be off to join my corps and quell this mutiny;" and without losing
a moment he ordered his carriage and directed the coachman to drive with
the utmost speed. He sent forward one of his aides de camp to inform the
troops of his approach.
Having arrived within a hundred paces of the place where his troops were
assembled he found the generals who were under his orders advancing
to meet him. They urged him not to go farther, as the men were in open
insurrection. "I will go into the midst of them," said Marmont. "In a
moment they shall either kill me or acknowledge me as their chief:"
He sent off another aide de camp to range the troops in the order of
battle. Then, alighting from the carriage and mounting a horse, he
advanced alone, and thus harangued his troops: "How! Is there treason
here? Is it possible that you disown me? Am I not your comrade? Have I
not been wounded twenty times among you? . . . Have I not shared your
fatigues and privations? And am I not ready to do so again?" Here
Marmont was interrupted by a general shout of "Vive le Marechal! Vive le
Marechal!"
The alarm caused among the members of the Provisional Government by
the mission of the Marshals was increased by the news of the mutiny
of Marmont's troops. During the whole of the day we were in a state of
tormenting anxiety. It was feared that the insurrectionary spirit might
spread among other corps of the army, and the cause of France again be
endangered. But the courage of Marmont saved everything: It would be
impossible to convey any idea of the manner in which he was received by
us at Talleyrand's when he related the particulars of what had occurred
at Versailles.
On the evening of the day on which Marmont had acted so nobly it was
proposed that the army should adopt the white cockade. In reply to
this proposition the Marshal said, "Gentlemen, I have made my troops
understand the necessity of serving France before all things. They have,
consequently, returned to order, and I can now answer for them. But what
I cannot answer for is to induce them to abandon the colours which have
led them to victory for the last twenty years. Therefore do not count
upon me for a thing which I consider to be totally hostile to the
interests of France. I will speak to the Emperor Alexander on the
subject." Such were Marmont's words. Every one appeared to concur in his
opinion, and the discussion terminated. For my own part, I find by
my notes that I declared myself strongly in favour of Marmont's
proposition.
The Marshal's opinion having been adopted, at least provisionally, an
article was prepared for the Moniteur in nearly the following terms:
The white cockade has been, during the last four days, a badge for
the manifestation of public opinion in favour of the overthrow of an
oppressive Government: it has been the only means of distinguishing