Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
the partisans of the restoration of the old dynasty, to which at
length we are to be indebted for repose. But as the late Government
is at an end, all colours differing from our national colours are
useless: let us, therefore, resume those which have so often led us
to victory.
Such was the spirit of the article, though possibly the above copy may
differ in a few words. It met with the unqualified approbation of every
one present. I was therefore extremely surprised, on looking at the
'Moniteur' next day, to find that the article was not inserted. I knew
not what courtly interference prevented the appearance of the article,
but I remember that Marmont was very ill pleased at its omission. He
complained on the subject to the Emperor Alexander, who promised to
write, and in fact did write, to the Provisional Government to get
the article inserted. However, it did not appear, and in a few days we
obtained a solution of the enigma, as we might perhaps have done before
if we had tried. The Emperor Alexander also promised to write to the
Comte d'Artois, and to inform him that the opinion of France was in
favour of the preservation of the three colours, but I do not know
whether the letter was written, or, if it was, what answer it received.
Marshal Jourdan, who was then at Rouen, received a letter, written
without the knowledge of Marmont, informing him that the latter had
mounted the white cockade in his corps. Jourdan thought he could not
do otherwise than follow Marmont's example, and he announced to the
Provisional Government that in consequence of the resolution of the
Duke of Ragusa he had just ordered his corps to wear the white cockade.
Marmont could now be boldly faced, and when he complained to the
Provisional Government of the non-insertion of the article in the
Moniteur the reply was, "It cannot now appear. You see Marshal Jourdan
has mounted the white cockade: you would not give the army two sets of
colours!"
Marmont could make no answer to so positive a fact. It was not till some
time after that I learned Jourdan had determined to unfurl the white
flag only on the positive assurance that Marmont had already done so.
Thus we lost the colours which had been worn by Louis XVI., which Louis
XVIII., when a Prince, had adopted, and in which the Comte d'Artois
showed himself on his return to the Parisians, for he entered the
capital in the uniform of the National Guard. The fraud played off
by some members of the Provisional Government was attended by fatal
consequences; many evils might have been spared to France had Marmont's
advice been adopted.
At the period of the dissolution of the Empire there might be said to be
three Governments in France, viz. the Provisional Government in Paris,
Napoleon's at Fontainebleau, and the doubtful and ambulatory Regency
of "Maria Louisa." Doubtful and ambulatory the Regency might well be
called, for there was so little decision as to the course to be adopted
by the Empress that it was at first proposed to conduct her to Orleans,
then to Tours, and she went finally to Blois. The uncertainty which
prevailed respecting the destiny of Maria Louisa is proved by a document
which I have in my possession, and of which there cannot be many copies
in existence. It is a circular addressed to the prefects by M. de
Montalivet, the Minister of the Interior, who accompanied the Empress.
In it a blank is left for the seat of the Government, to which the
prefects are desired to send their communications. In the copy I possess
the blank is filled up with the word "Blois" in manuscript.
As soon as Maria Louisa was made acquainted with the events that had
taken place around Paris she sent for the Duc de Cadore, and gave him
a letter addressed to the Emperor of Austria, saying, "Take this to my
father, who must be at Dijon. I rely on you for defending the interests
of France, those of the Emperor, and above all those of my son."
Certainly Maria Louisa's confidence could not be better placed, and
those great interests would have been defended by the Duc de Cadore 'si
defendi possent.'
After the departure of the Duc de Cadore Maria Louisa published the
following proclamation, addressed to the French people:
BY THE EMPRESS REGENT.
A Proclamation
The events of the war have placed the capital in the power of
foreigners. The Emperor has marched to defend it at the head of his
armies, so often victorious. They are face to face with the enemy
before the walls of Paris. From the residence which I have chosen,
and from the Ministers of the Emperor, will emanate the only orders
which you can acknowledge. Every town in the power of foreigners
ceases to be free, and every order which may proceed from them is
the language of the enemy, or that which it suits his hostile views
to propagate. You will be faithful to your oaths. You will listen
to the voice of a Princess who was consigned to your good faith, and
whose highest pride consists in being a Frenchwoman, and in being
united to the destiny of the sovereign whom you have freely chosen.
My son was less sure of your affections in the time of our
prosperity; his rights and his person are under your safeguard.
(By order) MONTALIVET. (Signed) MARIA LOUISA
BLOIS, 3d April 1814.
It is to be inferred that the Regency had within three days adopted the
resolution of not quitting Blois, for the above document presents no
blanks, nor words filled up in writing. The Empress' proclamation,
though a powerful appeal to the feelings of the French people, produced
no effect. Maria Louisa's proclamation was dated the 4th of April, on
the evening of which day Napoleon signed the conditional abdication,
with the fate of which the reader has already been made acquainted.
M. de Montalivet transmitted the Empress' proclamation, accompanied by
another circular, to the prefects, of whom very few received it.
M. de Champagny, having left Blois with the letter he had received from
the Empress, proceeded to the headquarters of the Emperor of Austria,
carefully avoiding those roads which were occupied by Cossack troops.
He arrived, not without considerable difficulty, at Chanseaux, where
Frances II. was expected. When the Emperor arrived the Duc de Cadore was
announced, and immediately introduced to his Majesty. The Duke remained
some hours with Francis II., without being able to obtain from him
anything but fair protestations. The Emperor always took refuge behind
the promise he had given to his Allies to approve whatever measures they
might adopt. The Duke was not to leave the Emperor's headquarters that
evening, and, in the hope that his Majesty might yet reflect on the
critical situation of his daughter, he asked permission to take leave
next morning. He accordingly presented himself to the Emperor's levee,
when he renewed his efforts in support of the claims of Maria Louisa.
"I have a great affection for my daughter, and also for my son-in law,"
said the Emperor. "I bear them both in my heart, and would shed my blood
for them"--"Ah, Sire!" exclaimed M. de Champagny, "such a sacrifice is
not necessary."--"Yes, Duke, I say again I would shed my blood, I would
resign my life for them, but I have given my Allies a promise not to
treat without them, and to approve all that they may do. Besides,"
added the Emperor, "my Minister, M. de Metternich, has gone to their
headquarters, and I will ratify whatever he may sign."
When the Duc de Cadore related to me the particulars of his mission, in
which zeal could not work an impossibility, I remarked that he regarded
as a circumstance fatal to Napoleon the absence of M. de Metternich
and the presence of M. Stadion at the headquarters of the Emperor of
Austria. Though in all probability nothing could have arrested the
course of events, yet it is certain that the personal sentiments of the
two Austrian Ministers towards Napoleon were widely different. I am not
going too far when I affirm that, policy apart, M. de Metternich was
much attached to Napoleon. In support of this assertion I may quote a
fact of which I can guarantee the authenticity:
When M. de Metternich was complimented on the occasion of Maria Louisa's
marriage he replied, "To have contributed to a measure which has
received the approbation of 80,000,000 men is indeed a just subject of
congratulation." Such a remark openly made by the intelligent Minister
of the Cabinet of Vienna was well calculated to gratify the ears of
Napoleon, from whom, however, M. de Metternich in his personal relations
did not conceal the truth. I recollect a reply which was made by M. de
Metternich at Dresden after a little hesitation. "As to you," said the
Emperor, "you will not go to war with me. It is impossible that you can
declare yourself against me. That can never be."--"Sire, we are not now
quite allies, and some time hence we may become enemies." This hint was
the last which Napoleon received from Metternich, and Napoleon must
have been blind indeed not to have profited by it. As to M. Stadion, he
entertained a profound dislike of the Emperor. That Minister knew and
could not forget that his preceding exclusion from the Cabinet of Vienna
had been due to the all-powerful influence of Napoleon.
Whether or not the absence of Metternich influenced the resolution of
Francis II., it is certain that that monarch yielded nothing to the
urgent solicitations of a Minister who conscientiously fulfilled the
delicate mission consigned to him. M. de Champagny rejoined the Empress
at Orleans, whither she had repaired on leaving Blois. He found Maria
Louisa almost deserted, all the Grand Dignitaries of the Empire having
successively returned to Paris after sending in their submissions to the
Provisional Government.
I had scarcely entered upon the exercise of my functions as
Postmaster-General when, on the morning of the 2d of April, I was
surprised to see a Prussian general officer enter my cabinet. I
immediately recognised him as General Blücher. He had commanded the
Prussian army in the battle which took place at the gates of Paris.
"Sir," said he, "I consider it one of my first duties on entering Paris
to thank you for the attention I received from you in Hamburg. I am
sorry that I was not sooner aware of your being in Paris. I assure you
that had I been sooner informed of this circumstance the capitulation
should have been made without a blow being struck. How much blood might
then have been spared!"--"General," said I, "on what do you ground this
assurance?"--"If I had known that you were in Paris I would have
given you a letter to the King of Prussia. That monarch, who knows
the resources and intentions of the Allies, would, I am sure, have
authorised you to decide a suspension of arms before the neighbourhood
of Paris became the theatre of the war."--"But," resumed I, "in spite of
the good intentions of the Allies, it would have been very difficult to
prevent resistance. French pride, irritated as it was by reverses, would
have opposed insurmountable obstacles to such a measure."--"But, good
heavens! you would have seen that resistance could be of no avail
against such immense masses."--"You are right, General; but French
honour would have been defended to the last."--"I am fully aware
of that; but surely you have earned glory enough!"--"Yet our French
susceptibility would have made us look upon that glory as tarnished
if Paris had been occupied without defence ... But under present
circumstances I am well pleased that you were satisfied with my conduct
in Hamburg, for it induces me to hope that you will observe the same
moderation in Paris that I exercised there. The days are past when it
could be said, Woe to the conquered."--"You are right; yet," added