Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
chief: but the army would be for him; that would always join him who
can lead it against foreign banners, and to this might be added all that
part of the population which is equally powerful and easily, led in such
a state of things. As if chance intended to strengthen Napoleon in this
train of thought, while he was speaking the avenue of Marigny resounded
with the cries of 'Vive l'Empereur!' A crowd of men, chiefly of the
poor and labouring class, pressed forward into the avenue, full of wild
enthusiasm, and trying to scale the walls to make an offer to
Napoleon to rally round and defend him. Bonaparte for some time looked
attentively at this group. 'You see it is so,' said he; 'those are not
the men whom I have loaded with honours and riches. What do these people
owe me? I found them--I left them--poor. The instinct of necessity
enlightens them; the voice of the country speaks by their months; and if
I choose, if I permit it, in an hour the refractory Chambers will have
ceased to exist. But the life of a man is not worth purchasing at such
a price: I did not return from the Isle of Elba that Paris should be
inundated with blood: He did not like the idea of flight.' 'Why should I
not stay here?' he repeated. 'What do you suppose they would do to a man
disarmed like me? I will go to Malmaison: I can live there in retirement
with some friends, who most certainly will come to see me only for my
own sake.'
"He then described with complacency and even with a sort of gaiety this
new kind of life. Afterwards, discarding an idea which sounded like mere
irony, he went on. 'If they do not like me to remain in France, where am
I to go? To England? My abode there would be ridiculous or disquieting.
I should be tranquil; no one would believe it. Every fog would be
suspected of concealing my landing on the coast. At the first sign of
a green coat getting out of a boat one party would fly from France, the
other would put France out of the pale of the law. I should compromise
everybody, and by dint of the repeated "Behold he comes!" I should feel
the temptation to set out. America would be more suitable; I could live
there with dignity. But once more, what is there to fear? What sovereign
can, without injuring himself, persecute me? To one I have restored half
his dominions; how often has the other pressed my hand, calling me
a great man! And as to the third, can he find pleasure or honour in
humiliation of his son-in-law? Would they wish to proclaim in the face
of the world that all they did was through fear? As to the rest, I shall
see: I do not wish to employ open force. I came in the hope of combining
our last resources: they abandoned me; they do so with the same facility
with which they received me back. Well, then, let them efface, if
possible, this double stain of weakness and levity! Let them cover it
over with some sacrifice, with some glory! Let them do for the country
what they will not do for me. I doubt it. To-day, those who deliver up
Bonaparte say that it is to save France: to-morrow, by delivering up
France, they will prove that it was to save their own heads.'"
The humiliating scenes which rapidly succeeded one another; and which
ended in Napoleon's unconditional surrender, may be briefly told.
As soon as possible after his arrival at Paris he assembled his
counsellors, when he declared himself in favour of still resisting.
The question, however, was, whether the Chambers would support him; and
Lafayette being treacherously informed, it is said by Fouché, that it
was intended to dissolve the Chambers, used his influence to get the
chambers to adopt the propositions he laid before them. By these the
independence of the nation was asserted to be in danger; the sittings
of the Chamber were declared permanent, and all attempts to dissolve it
were pronounced treasonable. The propositions were adopted, and being
communicated to the Chamber of Peers, that body also declared itself
permanent. Whatever might have been the intentions of Bonaparte, it was
now manifest that there were no longer any hopes of his being able to
make his will the law of the nation; after some vacillation, therefore,
on 22d June he published the following declaration:
TO THE FRENCH PEOPLE
FRENCHMEN!--In commencing war for maintaining the national
independence, I relied on the union of all efforts, of all wills,
and the concurrence of all the national authorities. I had reason
to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers
against me. Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself a
sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove
sincere in their declarations, and really have directed them only
against my power. My political life is terminated, and I proclaim
my son under the title of:
NAPOLEON II.,
EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH.
The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the
Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to
invite the Chambers to form without delay the Regency by a law.
Unite all for the public safety, that you may continue an
independent nation.
(Signed) NAPOLEON.
This declaration was conveyed to both the Chambers, which voted
deputations to the late Emperor, accepting this abdication, but in their
debates the nomination of his son to the succession was artfully eluded.
The Chamber of Representatives voted the nomination of a Commission of
five persons, three to be chosen from that Chamber, and two from the
Chamber of Peers, for the purpose of provisionally exercising the
functions of Government, and also that the Ministers should continue
their respective functions under the authority of this Commission. The
persons chosen by the Chamber of Representatives were Carnot, Fouché,
and Grenier, those nominated by the Peers were the Duke of Vicenza
(Caulaincourt) and Baron Quinette. The Commission nominated five persons
to the Allied army for the purpose of proposing peace. These proceedings
were, however, rendered of little importance by the resolution of the
victors to advance to Paris.
Napoleon's behaviour just before and immediately after the crisis is
well described by Lavallette. "The next day," he observes, "I returned
to the Emperor. He had received the most positive accounts of the state
of feeling in the Chamber of Representatives. The reports had, however,
been given to him with some little reserve, for he did not seem to
me convinced that the resolution was really formed to pronounce his
abdication, I was better informed on the matter, and I came to him
without having the least doubt in my mind that the only thing he could
do was to descend once more from the throne. I communicated to him all
the particulars I had just received, and I did not hesitate to advise
him to follow the only course worthy of him. He listened to me with a
sombre air, and though he was in some measure master of himself, the
agitation of his mind and the sense of his position betrayed themselves
in his face and in all his motions. 'I know,' said I, 'that your Majesty
may still keep the sword drawn, but with whom, and against whom? Defeat
has chilled the courage of every one; the army is still in the greatest
confusion. Nothing is to be expected from Paris, and the coup d'etat
of the 18th Brumaire cannot be renewed.'--'That thought,' he replied,
stopping, 'is far from my mind. I will hear nothing more about myself.
But poor France!' At that moment Savary and Caulaincourt entered, and
having drawn a faithful picture of the exasperation of the Deputies,
they persuaded him to assent to abdication. Some words he uttered proved
to us that he would have considered death preferable to that step; but
still he took it.
"The great act of abdication being performed, he remained calm during
the whole day, giving his advice on the position the army should take,
and on the manner in which the negotiations with the enemy ought to be
conducted. He insisted especially on the necessity of proclaiming his
son Emperor, not so much for the advantage of the child as with a
view to concentrate all the power of sentiments and affections.
Unfortunately, nobody would listen to him. Some men of sense and courage
rallied found that proposition in the two Chambers, but fear swayed the
majority; and among those who remained free from it many thought that
a public declaration of liberty, and the resolution to defend it at any
price, would make the enemy and the Bourbons turn back. Strange delusion
of weakness and want of experience! It must, however, be respected, for
it had its source in love of their country; but, while we excuse it, can
it be justified? The population of the metropolis had resumed its usual
appearance, which was that of complete indifference, with a resolution
to cry 'Long live the King!' provided the King arrived well escorted;
for one must not judge of the whole capital by about one-thirtieth part
of the inhabitants, who called for arms, and declared themselves warmly
against the return of the exiled family.
"On the 23d I returned to the Elysee. The Emperor had been for two hours
in his bath. He himself turned the discourse on the retreat he ought
to choose, and spoke of the United States. I rejected the idea without
reflection, and with a degree of vehemence that surprised him. 'Why
not America?' he asked. I answered, 'Because Moreau retired there.'
The observation was harsh, and I should never have forgiven myself
for having expressed it; if I had not retracted my advice a few days
afterwards. He heard it without any apparent ill-humour, but I have no
doubt that it must have made an unfavourable impression on his mind. I
strongly urged on his choosing England for his asylum.
"The Emperor went to Malmaison. He was accompanied thither by the
Duchesse de St. Leu, Bertrand and his family, and the Duc de Bassano.
The day that he arrived there he proposed to me to accompany him abroad.
Drouot,' he said, 'remains in France. I see the Minister of War wishes
him not to be lost to his country. I dare not complain, but it is a
great loss for me; I never met with a better head, or a more upright
heart. That man was formed to be a prime minister anywhere.' I declined
to accompany him at the time, saying, 'My wife is enceinte; I cannot
make up my mind to leave her. Allow me some time, and I will join you
wherever you may be. I have remained faithful to your Majesty in better
times, and you may reckon upon me now. Nevertheless, if my wife did not
require all my attention, I should do better to go with you, for I have
sad forebodings respecting my fate."
"The Emperor made no answer; but I saw by the expression of his
countenance that he had no better augury of my fate than I had. However,
the enemy was approaching, and for the last three days he had solicited
the Provisional Government to place a frigate at his disposal, with
which he might proceed to America. It had been promised him; he was even
pressed to set off; but he wanted to be the bearer of the order to
the captain to convey him to the United States, and that order did
not arrive. We all felt that the delay of a single hour might put his
freedom in jeopardy.
"After we had talked the subject over among ourselves, I went to him
and strongly pointed out to him how dangerous it might be to prolong
his stay. He observed that he could not go without the order. 'Depart,
nevertheless,' I replied; your presence on board the ship will still
have a great influence over Frenchmen; cut the cables, promise money
to the crew, and if the captain resist have him put on shore, and hoist
your sails. I have no doubt but Fouché has sold you to the Allies.'--