Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
He was also visited very often by Deferment, Regnault (of the town of
St. Jean d'Angély), Boulay (de la Meurthe), Monge, and Berber, who were,
with his brothers, Joseph and Lucien, those whom he most delighted to
see; he conversed familiarly with them. Cambacérès generally came at
mid-day, and stayed some time with him, often a whole hour. Lebrun
visited but seldom. Notwithstanding his elevation, his character
remained unaltered; and Bonaparte considered him too moderate, because
he always opposed his ambitious views and his plans to usurp power. When
Bonaparte left the breakfast-table it was seldom that he did not add,
after bidding Josephine and her daughter Hortense good-day, "Come,
Bourrienne, come, let us to work."
After the morning audiences I stayed with Bonaparte all the day, either
reading to him, or writing to his dictation. Three or four times in the
week he would go to the Council. On his way to the hall of deliberation
he was obliged to cross the courtyard of the Little Luxembourg and
ascend the grand staircase. This always vexed him, and the more so as
the weather was very bad at the time. This annoyance continued until the
25th of December, and it was with much satisfaction that he saw himself
quit of it. After leaving the Council he used to enter his cabinet
singing, and God knows how wretchedly he sung! He examined whatever work
he had ordered to be done, signed documents, stretched himself in
his arm-chair, and read the letters of the preceding day and the
publications of the morning. When there was no Council he remained
in his cabinet, conversed with me, always sang, and cut, according to
custom, the arm of his chair, giving himself sometimes quite the air of
a great boy. Then, all at once starting up, he would describe a plan
for the erection of a monument, or dictate some of those extraordinary
productions which astonished and dismayed the world. He often became
again the same man, who, under the walls of St. Jean d'Acre, had dreamed
of an empire worthy his ambition.
At five o'clock dinner was served up. When that was over the First
Consul went upstairs to Josephine's apartments, where he commonly
received the visits of the Ministers. He was always pleased to see
among the number the Minister of Foreign Affairs, especially since the
portfolio of that department had been entrusted to the hands of M.
de Talleyrand. At midnight, and often sooner, he gave the signal for
retiring by saying in a hasty manner, "Allons nous coucher."
It was at the Luxembourg, in the salons of which the adorable Josephine
so well performed the honours, that the word 'Madame' came again into
use. This first return towards the old French politeness was startling
to some susceptible Republicans; but things were soon carried farther
at the Tuileries by the introduction of 'Votre Altesse' on occasions of
state ceremony, and Monseigneur in the family circle.
If, on the one hand, Bonaparte did not like the men of the Revolution,
on the other he dreaded still more the partisans of the Bourbons. On
the mere mention of the name of those princes he experienced a kind of
inward alarm; and he often spoke of the necessity of raising a wall
of brass between France and them. To this feeling, no doubt, must be
attributed certain nominations, and the spirit of some recommendations
contained in the notes with which he was supplied on the characters of
candidates, and which for ready reference were arranged alphabetically.
Some of the notes just mentioned were in the handwriting of Regnault de
St. Jean d'Angély, and some in Lucien Bonaparte's.
--[Among them was the following, under the title of "General
Observations": "In choosing among the men who were members of the
Constituent Assembly it is necessary to be on guard against the
Orleans' party, which is not altogether a chimera, and may one day
or other prove dangerous.
"There is no doubt that the partisans of that family are intriguing
secretly; and among many other proofs of this fact the following is
a striking one: the journal called the 'Aristargue', which
undisguisedly supports royalism, is conducted by a man of the name
of Voidel, one of the hottest patriots of the Revolution. He was
for several months president of the committee of inquiry which
caused the Marquis de Favras to be arrested and hanged, and gave so
much uneasiness to the Court. There was no one in the Constituent
Assembly more hateful to the Court than Voidel, so much on account
of his violence as for his connection with the Duke of Orleans,
whose advocate and counsel he was. When the Duke of Orleans was
arrested, Voidel, braving the fury of the revolutionary tribunals,
had the courage to defend him, and placarded all the walls of Paris
with an apology for the Duke and his two sons. This man, writing
now in favour of royalism, can have no other object than to advance
a member of the Orleans family to the throne."--Bourrienne.]--
At the commencement of the First Consul's administration, though he
always consulted the notes he had collected, he yet received with
attention the recommendations of persons with whom he was well
acquainted; but it was not safe for them to recommend a rogue or a fool.
The men whom he most disliked were those whom he called babblers,
who are continually prating of everything and on everything. He often
said,--"I want more head and less tongue." What he thought of the
regicides will be seen farther on, but at first the more a man had
given a gage to the Revolution, the more he considered him as offering
a guarantee against the return of the former order of things. Besides,
Bonaparte was not the man to attend to any consideration when once his
policy was concerned.
As I have said a few pages back, on taking the government into his own
hands Bonaparte knew so little of the Revolution and of the men engaged
in civil employments that it was indispensably necessary for him to
collect information from every quarter respecting men and things. But
when the conflicting passions of the moment became more calm and the
spirit of party more prudent, and when order had been, by his severe
investigations, introduced where hitherto unbridled confusion had
reigned, he became gradually more scrupulous in granting places, whether
arising from newly-created offices, or from those changes which
the different departments often experienced. He then said to me,
"Bourrienne, I give up your department to you. Name whom you please for
the appointments; but remember you must be responsible to me."
What a list would have been which should contain the names of all the
prefects, sub-prefects, receivers-general, and other civil officers to
whom I gave places! I have kept no memoranda of their names; and indeed,
what advantage would there have been in doing so? It was impossible for
me to have a personal knowledge of all the fortunate candidates; but I
relied on recommendations in which I had confidence.
I have little to complain of in those I obliged; though it is true that,
since my separation from Bonaparte, I have seen many of them take the
opposite side of the street in which I was walking, and by that delicate
attention save me the trouble of raising my hat.
CHAPTER XXVII.
1799-1800.
Difficulties of a new Government--State of Europe--Bonaparte's wish
for peace--M. de Talleyrand Minister for Foreign Affairs--
Negotiations with England and Austria--Their failure--Bonaparte's
views on the East--His sacrifices to policy--General Bonaparte
denounced to the First Consul--Kléber's letter to the Directory--
Accounts of the Egyptian expedition published in the Moniteur--
Proclamation to the army of the East--Favour and disgrace of certain
individuals accounted for.
When a new Government rises on the ruins of one that has been
overthrown, its best chance of conciliating the favour of the nation, if
that nation be at war, is to hold out the prospect of peace; for peace
is always dear to a people. Bonaparte was well aware of this; and if in
his heart he wished otherwise, he knew how important it was to seem to
desire peace. Accordingly, immediately after his installation at the
Luxembourg he notified to all the foreign powers his accession to the
Consulate, and, for the same purpose, addressed letters to all the
diplomatic agents of the French Government abroad.
The day after he got rid of his first two colleagues, Sieyès and Roger
Ducos, he prepared to open negotiations with the Cabinet of London. At
that time we were at war with almost the whole of Europe. We had also
lost Italy. The Emperor of Germany was ruled by his Ministers, who in
their turn were governed by England. It was no easy matter to manage
equally the organization of the Consular Government and the no less
important affairs abroad; and it was very important to the interests of
the First Consul to intimate to foreign powers, while at the same time
he assured himself against the return of the Bourbons, that the system
which he proposed to adopt was a system of order and regeneration,
unlike either the demagogic violence of the Convention or the imbecile
artifice of the Directory. In fulfilment of this object Bonaparte
directed M. de Talleyrand, the new Minister for Foreign Affairs, to make
the first friendly overtures to the English Cabinet: A correspondence
ensued, which was published at the time, and which showed at once the
conciliatory policy of Bonaparte and the arrogant policy of England.
The exchange of notes which took place was attended by no immediate
result. However, the First Consul had partly attained his object: if the
British Government would not enter into negotiations for peace, there
was at least reason to presume that subsequent overtures of the Consular
Government might be listened to. The correspondence had at all events
afforded Bonaparte the opportunity of declaring his principles, and
above all, it had enabled him to ascertain that the return of the
Bourbons to France (mentioned in the official reply of Lord Grenville)
would not be a sine qua non condition for the restoration of peace
between the two powers.
Since M. de Talleyrand had been Minister for Foreign Affairs the
business of that department had proceeded with great activity. It was
an important advantage to Bonaparte to find a nobleman of the old regime
among the republicans. The choice of M. de Talleyrand was in some sort
an act of courtesy to the foreign Courts. It was a delicate attention to
the diplomacy of Europe to introduce to its members, for the purpose of
treating with them, a man whose rank was at least equal to their own,
and who was universally distinguished for a polished elegance of manner
combined with solid good qualities and real talents.
It was not only with England that Bonaparte and his Minister endeavoured
to open negotiations; the Consular Cabinet also offered peace to the
House of Austria; but not at the same time. The object of this offer
was to sow discord between the two powers. Speaking to me one day of
his earnest wish to obtain peace Bonaparte said, "You see, Bourrienne, I
have two great enemies to cope with. I will conclude peace with the one
I find most easy to deal with. That will enable me immediately to assail
the other. I frankly confess that I should like best to be at peace with
England. Nothing would then be more easy than to crush Austria. She has
no money except what she gets through England."
For a long time all negotiations proved abortive. None of the European
powers would acknowledge the new Government, of which Bonaparte was the
head; and the battle of Marengo was required before the peace of Amiens
could be obtained.