Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte — Complete
reason," said he, "makes me incredulous respecting many things; but the
impressions of my childhood and early youth throw me into uncertainty."
He was very fond of talking of religion. In Italy, in Egypt, and on
board the 'Orient' and the 'Muiron', I have known him to take part in
very animated conversations on this subject.
He readily yielded up all that was proved against religion as the work
of men and time: but he would not hear of materialism. I recollect that
one fine night, when he was on deck with some persons who were arguing
in favour of materialism, Bonaparte raised his hand to heaven and,
pointing to the stars, said, "You may talk as long as you please,
gentlemen, but who made all that?" The perpetuity of a name in the
memory of man was to him the immortality of the soul. He was perfectly
tolerant towards every variety of religious faith.
Among Bonaparte's singular habits was that of seating himself on any
table which happened to be of a suitable height for him. He would often
sit on mine, resting his left arm on my right shoulder, and swinging his
left leg, which did not reach the ground; and while he dictated to me he
would jolt the table so that I could scarcely write.
Bonaparte had a great dislike to reconsider any decision, even when it
was acknowledged to be unjust. In little as well as in great things he
evinced his repugnance to retrograde. An instance of this occurred in
the affair of General Latour-Foissac. The First Consul felt how much he
had wronged that general; but he wished some time to elapse before he
repaired his error. His heart and his conduct were at variance; but his
feelings were overcome by what he conceived to be political necessity.
Bonaparte was never known to say, "I have done wrong:" his usual
observation was, "I begin to think there is something wrong."
In spite of this sort of feeling, which was more worthy of an
ill-humoured philosopher than the head of a government, Bonaparte was
neither malignant nor vindictive. I cannot certainly defend him against
all the reproaches which he incurred through the imperious law of war
and cruel necessity; but I may say that he has often been unjustly
accused. None but those who are blinded by fury will call him a Nero or
a Caligula. I think I have avowed his faults with sufficient candour
to entitle me to credit when I speak in his commendation; and I declare
that, out of the field of battle, Bonaparte had a kind and feeling
heart. He was very fond of children, a trait which seldom distinguishes
a bad man. In the relations of private life to call him amiable would
not be using too strong a word, and he was very indulgent to the
weakness of human nature. The contrary opinion is too firmly fixed
in some minds for me to hope to root it out. I shall, I fear, have
contradictors, but I address myself to those who look for truth. To
judge impartially we must take into account the influence which time
and circumstances exercise on men; and distinguish between the different
characters of the Collegian, the General, the Consul, and the Emperor.
CHAPTER XXIX.
1800.
Bonaparte's laws--Suppression of the festival of the 21st of
January--Officials visits--The Temple--Louis XVI. and Sir Sidney
Smith--Peculation during the Directory--Loan raised--Modest budget
--The Consul and the Member of the Institute--The figure of the
Republic--Duroc's missions--The King of Prussia--The Emperor
Alexander--General Latour-Foissac--Arbitrary decree--Company of
players for Egypt--Singular ideas respecting literary property--
The preparatory Consulate--The journals--Sabres and muskets of
honour--The First Consul and his Comrade--The bust of Brutus--
Statues in the gallery of the Tuileries--Sections of the Council
of State--Costumes of public functionaries--Masquerades--The
opera-balls--Recall of the exiles.
It is not my purpose to say much about the laws, decrees, and
'Senatus-Consultes', which the First Consul either passed, or caused to
be passed, after his accession to power, what were they all, with the
exception of the Civil Code? The legislative reveries of the different
men who have from time to time ruled France form an immense labyrinth,
in which chicanery bewilders reason and common sense; and they would
long since have been buried in oblivion had they not occasionally served
to authorise injustice. I cannot, however, pass over unnoticed the happy
effect produced in Paris, and throughout the whole of France, by some of
the first decisions of the Consuls. Perhaps none but those who witnessed
the state of society during the reign of Terror can fully appreciate
the satisfaction which the first steps towards the restoration of social
order produced in the breasts of all honest men. The Directory, more
base and not less perverse than the Convention, had retained the
horrible 21st of January among the festivals of the Republic. One of
Bonaparte's first ideas on attaining the possession of power was to
abolish this; but such was the ascendency of the abettors of the fearful
event that he could not venture on a straightforward course. He and
his two colleagues, who were Sieyès and Roger Ducos, signed, on the 5th
Nivôse, a decree, setting forth that in future the only festivals to
be celebrated by the Republic were the 1st Vendemiaire and the 14th
of July, intending by this means to consecrate provisionally the
recollection of the foundation of the Republic and of liberty.
All was calculation with Bonaparte. To produce effect was his highest
gratification. Thus he let slip no opportunity of saying or doing things
which were calculated to dazzle the multitude. While at the Luxembourg,
he went sometimes accompanied by his 'aides de camp' and sometimes by
a Minister, to pay certain official visits. I did not accompany him on
these occasions; but almost always either on his return, after dinner,
or in the evening, he related to me what he had done and said. He
congratulated himself on having paid a visit to Daubenton, at the Jardin
des Plantes, and talked with great self-complacency of the distinguished
way in which he had treated the contemporary of Buffon.
On the 24th Brumaire he visited the prisons. He liked to make these
visits unexpectedly, and to take the governors of the different public
establishments by surprise; so that, having no time to make their
preparations, he might see things as they really were. I was in his
cabinet when he returned, for I had a great deal of business to go
through in his absence. As he entered he exclaimed, "What brutes
these Directors are! To what a state they have brought our public
establishments! But, stay a little! I will put all in order. The prisons
are in a shockingly unwholesome state, and the prisoners miserably fed.
I questioned them, and I questioned the jailers, for nothing is to be
learned from the superiors. They, of course, always speak well of their
own work! When I was in the Temple I could not help thinking of the
unfortunate Louis XVI. He was an excellent man, but too amiable, too
gentle for the times. He knew not how to deal with mankind! And Sir
Sidney Smith! I made them show me his apartment. If the fools had not
let him escape I should have taken St. Jean d'Acre! There are too many
painful recollections connected with that prison! I will certainly have
it pulled down some day or other! What do you think I did at the Temple?
I ordered the jailers' books to be brought to me, and finding that some
hostages were still in confinement I liberated them. 'An unjust law,'
said I, 'has deprived you of liberty; my first duty is to restore it
to you.' 'Was not this well done, Bourrienne?' As I was, no less than
Bonaparte himself, an enemy to the revolutionary laws, I congratulated
him sincerely; and he was very sensible to my approbation, for I was not
accustomed to greet him with 'Good; very good,' on all occasions. It is
true, knowing his character as I did, I avoided saying anything that was
calculated to offend him; but when I said nothing, he knew very well
how to construe my silence. Had I flattered him I should have continued
longer in favour."
Bonaparte always spoke angrily of the Directors he had turned off.
Their incapacity disgusted and astonished him. "What simpletons! what
a government!" he would frequently exclaim when he looked into the
measures of the Directory. "Bourrienne," said he, "can you imagine
anything more pitiable than their system of finance? Can it for a moment
be doubted that the principal agents of authority daily committed
the most fraudulent peculations? What venality! what disorder! what
wastefulness! everything put up for sale: places, provisions, clothing,
and military, all were disposed of. Have they not actually consumed
75,000,000 in advance? And then, think of all the scandalous fortunes
accumulated, all the malversations! But are there no means of making
them refund? We shall see."
In these first moments of poverty it was found necessary to raise a
loan, for the funds of M. Collot did not last long, and 12,000,000 were
advanced by the different bankers of Paris, who, I believe, were paid by
bills of the receivers-general, the discount of which then amounted
to about 33 per cent. The salaries of the first offices were not
very considerable, and did not amount to anything like the exorbitant
stipends of the Empire.
Bonaparte's salary was fixed at 500,000 francs. What a contrast to the
300,000,000 in gold which were reported to have been concealed in 1811
in the cellars of the Tuileries!
In mentioning Bonaparte's nomination to the Institute, and his
affectation in putting at the head of his proclamation his title of
member of that learned body before that of General-in-Chief, I omitted
to state what value he really attached to that title. The truth is that,
when young and ambitious, he was pleased with the proffered title,
which he thought would raise him in public estimation. How often have
we laughed together when he weighed the value of his scientific titles!
Bonaparte, to be sure, knew something of mathematics, a good deal of
history, and, I need not add, possessed extraordinary military talent;
but he was nevertheless a useless member of the Institute.
On his return from Egypt he began to grow weary of a title which gave
him so many colleagues. "Do you not think," said he one day to me, "that
there is something mean and humiliating in the words, 'I have the honour
to be, my dear Colleague'! I am tired of it!" Generally speaking, all
phrases which indicated equality displeased him. It will be recollected
how gratified he was that I did not address him in the second person
singular on our meeting at Leoben, and also what befell M. de Cominges
at Bâle because he did not observe the same precaution.
The figure of the Republic seated and holding a spear in her hand, which
at the commencement of the Consulate was stamped on official letters,
was speedily abolished. Happy would it have been if Liberty herself had
not suffered the same treatment as her emblem! The title of First
Consul made him despise that of Member of the Institute. He no
longer entertained the least predilection for that learned body, and
subsequently he regarded it with much suspicion. It was a body, an
authorised assembly; these were reasons sufficient for him to take
umbrage at it, and he never concealed his dislike of all bodies
possessing the privilege of meeting and deliberating.
While we were at the Luxembourg Bonaparte despatched Duroc on a special
mission to the King of Prussia. This happened, I think, at the very
beginning of the year 1800. He selected Duroc because he was a man of
good education and agreeable manners, and one who could express himself