Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans
colleague, a worthy man, but not energetic enough as a general. And
under this commander, who entrusted him with the highest and most
important commissions, he rose at once to reputation and to power.
He subdued by arms most part of the Alpine barbarians; and when there
was a scarcity in the armies, he took that care upon himself, and
brought in such a store of provisions, as not only to furnish the
soldiers of Catulus with abundance, but likewise to supply Marius.
This, as he writes himself, wounded Marius to the very heart. So
slight and childish were the first occasions and motives of that
enmity between them, which, passing afterwards through a long course
of civil bloodshed and incurable divisions to find its end in
tyranny, and the confusion of the whole State proved Euripides to
have been truly wise and thoroughly acquainted with the causes of
disorders in the body politic, when he forewarned all men to beware
of Ambition, as of all the higher Powers, the most destructive and
pernicious to her votaries.
Sylla, by this time thinking that the reputation of his arms abroad
was sufficient to entitle him to a part in the civil administration,
he took himself immediately from the camp to the assembly, and
offered himself as a candidate for a praetorship, but failed. The
fault of this disappointment he wholly ascribes to the populace, who,
knowing his intimacy with king Bocchus, and for that reason
expecting, that if he was made aedile before his praetorship, he
would then show them magnificent hunting-shows and combats between
Libyan wild beasts, chose other praetors, on purpose to force him
into the aedileship. The vanity of this pretext is sufficiently
disproved by matter-of-fact. For the year following, partly by
flatteries to the people, and partly by money, he got himself elected
praetor. Accordingly, once while he was in office, on his angrily
telling Caesar that he should make use of his authority against him,
Caesar answered him with a smile, "You do well to call it your own,
as you bought it." At the end of his praetorship he was sent over
into Cappadocia, under the presence of reestablishing Ariobarzanes in
his kingdom, but in reality to keep in check the restless movements
of Mithridates, who was gradually procuring himself as vast a new
acquired power and dominion, as was that of his ancient inheritance.
He carried over with him no great forces of his own, but making use
of the cheerful aid of the confederates, succeeded, with considerable
slaughter of the Cappadocians, and yet greater of the Armenian
succors, in expelling Gordius and establishing Ariobarzanes as king.
During his stay on the banks of the Euphrates, there came to him
Orobazus, a Parthian, ambassador from king Arsaces, as yet there
having been no correspondence between the two nations. And this also
we may lay to the account of Sylla's felicity, that he should be the
first Roman, to whom the Parthians made address for alliance and
friendship. At the time of which reception, the story is, that
having ordered three chairs of state to be set, one for Ariobarzanes,
one for Orobazus, and a third for himself, he placed himself in the
middle, and so gave audience. For this the king of Parthia
afterwards put Orobazus to death. Some people commended Sylla for
his lofty carriage towards the barbarians; others again accused him
of arrogance and unseasonable display. It is reported, that a
certain Chaldaean, of Orobazus's retinue, looking Sylla wistfully in
the face, and observing carefully the motions of his mind and body,
and forming a judgment of his nature, according to the rules of his
art, said that it was impossible for him not to become the greatest
of men; it was rather a wonder how he could even then abstain from
being head of all.
At his return, Censorinus impeached him of extortion, for having
exacted a vast sum of money from a well-affected and associate
kingdom. However, Censorinus did not appear at the trial, but
dropped his accusation. His quarrel, meantime, with Marius began to
break out afresh, receiving new material from the ambition of
Bocchus, who, to please the people of Rome, and gratify Sylla, set up
in the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus images bearing trophies, and a
representation in gold of the surrender of Jugurtha to Sylla. When
Marius, in great anger, attempted to pull them down, and others aided
Sylla, the whole city would have been in tumult and commotion with
this dispute, had not the Social War, which had long lain smoldering
blazed forth at last, and for the present put an end to the quarrel.
In the course of this war, which had many great changes of fortune,
and which, more than any, afflicted the Romans, and, indeed,
endangered the very being of the Commonwealth, Marius was not able to
signalize his valor in any action, but left behind him a clear proof,
that warlike excellence requires a strong and still vigorous body.
Sylla, on the other hand, by his many achievements, gained himself,
with his fellow-citizens, the name of a great commander, while his
friends thought him the greatest of all commanders, and his enemies
called him the most fortunate. Nor did this make the same sort of
impression on him, as it made on Timotheus the son of Conon, the
Athenian; who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to his
good luck, and had a painting made, representing him asleep, and
Fortune by his side, casting her nets over the cities, was rough and
violent in his indignation at those who did it, as if by attributing
all to Fortune, they had robbed him of his just honors; and said to
the people on one occasion at his return from war, "In this, ye men
of Athens, Fortune had no part." A piece of boyish petulance, which
the deity, we are told, played back upon Timotheus; who from that
time was never able to achieve anything that was great, but proving
altogether unfortunate in his attempts, and falling into discredit
with the people, was at last banished the city. Sylla, on the
contrary, not only accepted with pleasure the credit of such divine
felicities and favors, but joining himself in extolling and
glorifying what was done, gave the honor of all to Fortune, whether
it were out of boastfulness, or a real feeling of divine agency. He
remarks, in his Memoirs, that of all his well advised actions, none
proved so lucky in the execution, as what he had boldly enterprised,
not by calculation, but upon the moment. And in the character which
he gives of himself, that he was born for fortune rather than war, he
seems to give Fortune a higher place than merit, and in short, makes
himself entirely the creature of a superior power, accounting even
his concord with Metellus, his equal in office, and his connection by
marriage, a piece of preternatural felicity. For expecting to have
met in him a most troublesome, he found him a most accommodating
colleague. Moreover, in the Memoirs which he dedicated to Lucullus,
he admonishes him to esteem nothing more trustworthy, than what the
divine powers advise him by night. And when he was leaving the city
with an army, to fight in the Social War, he relates, that the earth
near the Laverna opened, and a quantity of fire came rushing out of
it, shooting up with a bright flame into the heavens. The
soothsayers upon this foretold, that a person of great qualities, and
of a rare and singular aspect, should take the government in hand,
and quiet the present troubles of the city. Sylla affirms he was the
man, for his golden head of hair made him an extraordinary-looking
man, nor had he any shame, after the great actions he had done, in
testifying to his own great qualities. And thus much of his opinion
as to divine agency.
In general he would seem to have been of a very irregular character,
full of inconsistencies with himself; much given to rapine, to
prodigality yet more; in promoting or disgracing whom he pleased,
alike unaccountable; cringing to those he stood in need of, and
domineering over others who stood in need of him, so that it was hard
to tell, whether his nature had more in it of pride or of servility.
As to his unequal distribution of punishments, as, for example, that
upon slight grounds he would put to the torture, and again would bear
patiently with the greatest wrongs; would readily forgive and be
reconciled after the most heinous acts of enmity, and yet would visit
small and inconsiderable offenses with death, and confiscation of
goods; one might judge, that in himself he was really of a violent
and revengeful nature, which however he could qualify, upon
reflection, for his interest. In this very Social War, when the
soldiers with stones and clubs had killed an officer of praetorian
rank, his own lieutenant, Albinus by name, he passed by this flagrant
crime without any inquiry, giving it out moreover in a boast, that
the soldiers would behave all the better now, to make amends, by some
special bravery, for their breach of discipline. He took no notice
of the clamors of those that cried for justice, but designing already
to supplant Marius, now that he saw the Social War near its end, he
made much of his army, in hopes to get himself declared general of
the forces against Mithridates.
At his return to Rome, he was chosen Consul with Quintus Pompeius, in
the fiftieth year of his age, and made a most distinguished marriage
with Caecilia, daughter of Metellus, the chief priest. The common
people made a variety of verses in ridicule of the marriage, and many
of the nobility also were disgusted at it, esteeming him, as Livy
writes, unworthy of this connection, whom before they thought worthy
of a consulship. This was not his only wife, for first, in his
younger days, he was married to Ilia, by whom he had a daughter;
after her to Aelia; and thirdly to Cloelia, whom he dismissed as
barren, but honorably, and with professions of respect, adding,
moreover, presents. But the match between him and Metella, falling
out a few days after, occasioned suspicions that he had complained of
Cloelia without due cause. To Metella he always showed great
deference, so much so that the people, when anxious for the recall of
the exiles of Marius's party, upon his refusal, entreated the
intercession of Metella. And the Athenians, it is thought, had
harder measure, at the capture of their town, because they used
insulting language to Metella in their jests from the walls during
the siege. But of this hereafter.
At present esteeming the consulship but a small matter in comparison
of things to come, he was impatiently carried away in thought to the
Mithridatic War. Here he was withstood by Marius; who out of mad
affectation of glory and thirst for distinction, those never dying
passions, though he were now unwieldy in body, and had given up
service, on account of his age, during the late campaigns, still
coveted after command in a distant war beyond the seas. And whilst
Sylla was departed for the camp, to order the rest of his affairs
there, he sat brooding at home, and at last hatched that execrable
sedition, which wrought Rome more mischief than all her enemies
together had done, as was indeed foreshown by the gods. For a flame
broke forth of its own accord, from under the staves of the ensigns,
and was with difficulty extinguished. Three ravens brought their
young into the open road, and ate them, carrying the relics into the
nest again. Mice having gnawed the consecrated gold in one of the
temples, the keepers caught one of them, a female, in a trap; and she
bringing forth five young ones in the very trap, devoured three of
them. But what was greatest of all, in a calm and clear sky there
was heard the sound of a trumpet, with such a loud and dismal blast,
as struck terror and amazement into the hearts of the people. The