Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans
thought to have acted dishonorably, for the speech which
Phormion used against Apollodorus was also of his making; he, as
it were, having simply furnished two adversaries out of the same
shop with weapons to wound one another. Of his orations
addressed to the public assemblies, that against Androtion, and
those against Timocrates and Aristocrates, were written for
others, before he had come forward himself as a politician.
They were composed, it seems, when he was but seven or eight and
twenty years old. That against Aristogiton, and that for the
Immunities, he spoke himself, at the request, as he says, of
Ctesippus, the son of Chabrias, but, as some say, out of
courtship to the young man's mother. Though, in fact, he did
not marry her, for his wife was a woman of Samos, as Demetrius,
the Magnesian, writes, in his book on Persons of the same Name.
It is not certain whether his oration against Aeschines, for
Misconduct as Ambassador, was ever spoken; although Idomeneus
says that Aeschines wanted only thirty voices to condemn him.
But this seems not to be correct, at least so far as may be
conjectured from both their orations concerning the Crown; for
in these, neither of them speaks clearly or directly of it, as a
cause that ever came to trial. But let others decide this
controversy.
It was evident, even in time of peace, what course Demosthenes
would steer in the commonwealth; for whatever was done by the
Macedonian, he criticized and found fault with, and upon all
occasions was stirring up the people of Athens, and inflaming
them against him. Therefore, in the court of Philip, no man was
so much talked of, or of so great account as he; and when he
came thither, one of the ten ambassadors who were sent into
Macedonia, though all had audience given them, yet his speech
was answered with most care and exactness. But in other
respects, Philip entertained him not so honorably as the rest,
neither did he show him the same kindness and civility with
which he applied himself to the party of Aeschines and
Philocrates. So that, when the others commended Philip for his
able speaking, his beautiful person, nay, and also for his good
companionship in drinking, Demosthenes could not refrain from
caviling at these praises; the first, he said, was a quality
which might well enough become a rhetorician, the second a
woman, and the last was only the property of a sponge; no one of
them was the proper commendation of a prince.
But when things came at last to war, Philip on the one side
being not able to live in peace, and the Athenians, on the other
side, being stirred up by Demosthenes, the first action he put
them upon was the reducing of Euboea, which, by the treachery of
the tyrants, was brought under subjection to Philip. And on his
proposition, the decree was voted, and they crossed over thither
and chased the Macedonians out of the island. The next, was the
relief of the Byzantines and Perinthians, whom the Macedonians
at that time were attacking. He persuaded the people to lay
aside their enmity against these cities, to forget the offenses
committed by them in the Confederate War, and to send them such
succors as eventually saved and secured them. Not long after,
he undertook an embassy through the States of Greece, which he
solicited and so far incensed against Philip, that, a few only
excepted, he brought them all into a general league. So that,
besides the forces composed of the citizens themselves, there
was an army consisting of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand
horse, and the money to pay these strangers was levied and
brought in with great cheerfulness. On which occasion it was,
says Theophrastus, on the allies requesting that their
contributions for the war might be ascertained and stated,
Crobylus, the orator, made use of the saying, "War can't be fed
at so much a day." Now was all Greece up in arms, and in great
expectation what would be the event. The Euboeans, the
Achaeans, the Corinthians, the Megarians, the Leucadians, and
Corcyraeans, their people and their cities, were all joined
together in a league. But the hardest task was yet behind, left
for Demosthenes, to draw the Thebans into this confederacy with
the rest. Their country bordered next upon Attica, they had
great forces for the war, and at that time they were accounted
the best soldiers of all Greece, but it was no easy matter to
make them break with Philip, who, by many good offices, had so
lately obliged them in the Phocian war; especially considering
how the subjects of dispute and variance between the two cities
were continually renewed and exasperated by petty quarrels,
arising out of the proximity of their frontiers.
But after Philip, being now grown high and puffed up with his
good success at Amphissa, on a sudden surprised Elatea and
possessed himself of Phocis, and the Athenians were in a great
consternation, none durst venture to rise up to speak, no one
knew what to say, all were at a loss, and the whole assembly in
silence and perplexity, in this extremity of affairs,
Demosthenes was the only man who appeared, his counsel to them
being alliance with the Thebans. And having in other ways
encouraged the people, and, as his manner was, raised their
spirits up with hopes, he, with some others, was sent ambassador
to Thebes. To oppose him, as Marsyas says, Philip also sent
thither his envoys, Amyntas and Clearellus, two Macedonians,
besides Daochus, a Thessalian, and Thrasydaeus. Now the
Thebans, in their consultations, were well enough aware what
suited best with their own interest, but everyone had before
his eyes the terrors of war, and their losses in the Phocian
troubles were still recent: but such was the force and power of
the orator, fanning up, as Theopompus says, their courage, and
firing their emulation, that casting away every thought of
prudence, fear, or obligation, in a sort of divine possession,
they chose the path of honor, to which his words invited them.
And this success, thus accomplished by an orator, was thought to
be so glorious and of such consequence, that Philip immediately
sent heralds to treat and petition for a peace: all Greece was
aroused, and up in arms to help. And the commanders-in-chief,
not only of Attica, but of Boeotia, applied themselves to
Demosthenes, and observed his directions. He managed all the
assemblies of the Thebans, no less than those of the Athenians;
he was beloved both by the one and by the other, and exercised
the same supreme authority with both; and that not by unfair
means, or without just cause, as Theopompus professes, but
indeed it was no more than was due to his merit.
But there was, it should seem, some divinely-ordered fortune,
commissioned, in the revolution of things, to put a period at
this time to the liberty of Greece, which opposed and thwarted
all their actions, and by many signs foretold what should
happen. Such were the sad predictions uttered by the Pythian
priestess, and this old oracle cited out of the Sibyl's verses,
--
The battle on Thermodon that shall be
Safe at a distance I desire to see,
Far, like an eagle, watching in the air.
Conquered shall weep, and conqueror perish there.
This Thermodon, they say, is a little rivulet here in our
country in Chaeronea, running into the Cephisus. But we know of
none that is so called at the present time; and can only
conjecture that the streamlet which is now called Haemon, and
runs by the Temple of Hercules, where the Grecians were
encamped, might perhaps in those days be called Thermodon, and
after the fight, being filled with blood and dead bodies, upon
this occasion, as we guess, might change its old name for that
which it now bears. Yet Duris says that this Thermodon was no
river, but that some of the soldiers, as they were pitching
their tents and digging trenches about them, found a small stone
statue, which, by the inscription, appeared to be the figure of
Thermodon, carrying a wounded Amazon in his arms; and that there
was another oracle current about it, as follows: --
The battle on Thermodon that shall be,
Fail not, black raven, to attend and see;
The flesh of men shall there abound for thee.
In fine, it is not easy to determine what is the truth. But of
Demosthenes it is said, that he had such great confidence in the
Grecian forces, and was so excited by the sight of the courage
and resolution of so many brave men ready to engage the enemy,
that he would by no means endure they should give any heed to
oracles, or hearken to prophecies, but gave out that he
suspected even the prophetess herself, as if she had been
tampered with to speak in favor of Philip. The Thebans he put
in mind of Epaminondas, the Athenians, of Pericles, who always
took their own measures and governed their actions by reason,
looking upon things of this kind as mere pretexts for cowardice.
Thus far, therefore, Demosthenes acquitted himself like a brave
man. But in the fight he did nothing honorable, nor was his
performance answerable to his speeches. For he fled, deserting
his place disgracefully, and throwing away his arms, not
ashamed, as Pytheas observed, to belie the inscription written
on his shield, in letters of gold, "With good fortune."
In the meantime Philip, in the first moment of victory, was so
transported with joy, that he grew extravagant, and going out,
after he had drunk largely, to visit the dead bodies, he chanted
the first words of the decree that had been passed on the motion
of Demosthenes,
The motion of Demosthenes, Demosthenes's son,
dividing it metrically into feet, and marking the beats.
But when he came to himself, and had well considered the danger
he was lately under, he could not forbear from shuddering at the
wonderful ability and power of an orator who had made him hazard
his life and empire on the issue of a few brief hours. The fame
of it also reached even to the court of Persia, and the king
sent letters to his lieutenants, commanding them to supply
Demosthenes with money, and to pay every attention to him, as
the only man of all the Grecians who was able to give Philip
occupation and find employment for his forces near home, in the
troubles of Greece. This afterwards came to the knowledge of
Alexander, by certain letters of Demosthenes which he found at
Sardis, and by other papers of the Persian officers, stating the
large sums which had been given him.
At this time, however, upon the ill success which now happened
to the Grecians, those of the contrary faction in the
commonwealth fell foul upon Demosthenes, and took the
opportunity to frame several informations and indictments
against him. But the people not only acquitted him of these
accusations, but continued towards him their former respect, and
still invited him, as a man that meant well, to take a part in
public affairs. Insomuch that when the bones of those who had
been slain at Chaeronea were brought home to be solemnly
interred, Demosthenes was the man they chose to make the funeral
oration. They did not show, under the misfortunes which befell
them, a base or ignoble mind, as Theopompus writes in his
exaggerated style, but, on the contrary, by the honor and
respect paid to their counselor, they made it appear that they
were noway dissatisfied with the counsels he had given them.
The speech, therefore, was spoken by Demosthenes. But the
subsequent decrees he would not allow to be passed in his own
name, but made use of those of his friends, one after another,
looking upon his own as unfortunate and inauspicious; till at
length he took courage again after the death of Philip, who did
not long outlive his victory at Chaeronea. And this, it seems,
was that which was foretold in the last verse of the oracle,