Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans
one and the other. But when matters became incurable, and
Caesar was approaching Rome, and Pompey durst not abide it, but,
with many honest citizens, left the city, Cicero, as yet, did
not join in the flight, and was reputed to adhere to Caesar.
And it is very evident he was in his thoughts much divided, and
wavered painfully between both, for he writes in his epistles,
"To which side should I turn? Pompey has the fair and honorable
plea for war; and Caesar, on the other hand, has managed his
affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his
friends. So that I know whom I should fly, not whom I should
fly to." But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's friends, by letter
signified to him that Caesar thought it was his most desirable
course to join his party, and partake his hopes, but if he
considered himself too old a man for this, then he should retire
into Greece, and stay quietly there, out of the way of either
party, Cicero, wondering that Caesar had not written himself,
gave an angry reply, that he should not do anything unbecoming
his past life. Such is the account to be collected from his
letters.
But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately
sailed away to join Pompey. And he was welcomed by all but
Cato; who, taking him privately, chid him for coming to Pompey.
As for himself, he said, it had been indecent to forsake that
part in the commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning;
but Cicero might have been more useful to his country and
friends, if, remaining neuter, he had attended and used his
influence to moderate the result, instead of coming hither to
make himself, without reason or necessity, an enemy to Caesar,
and a partner in such great dangers. By this language, partly,
Cicero's feelings were altered, and partly, also, because Pompey
made no great use of him. Although, indeed, he was himself the
cause of it, by his not denying that he was sorry he had come,
by his depreciating Pompey's resources, finding fault underhand
with his counsels, and continually indulging in jests and
sarcastic remarks on his fellow-soldiers. Though he went about
in the camp with a gloomy and melancholy face himself, he was
always trying to raise a laugh in others, whether they wished it
or not. It may not be amiss to mention a few instances. To
Domitius, on his preferring to a command one who was no soldier,
and saying, in his defense, that he was a modest and prudent
person, he replied, "Why did not you keep him for a tutor for
your children?" On hearing Theophanes, the Lesbian, who was
master of the engineers in the army, praised for the admirable
way in which he had consoled the Rhodians for the loss of their
fleet, "What a thing it is," he said, "to have a Greek in
command!" When Caesar had been acting successfully, and in a
manner blockading Pompey, Lentulus was saying it was reported
that Caesar's friends were out of heart; "Because," said Cicero,
"they do not wish Caesar well." To one Marcius, who had just
come from Italy, and told them that there was a strong report at
Rome that Pompey was blocked up, he said, "And you sailed hither
to see it with your own eyes." To Nonius, encouraging them
after a defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven
eagles still left in Pompey's camp, "Good reason for
encouragement," said Cicero, "if we were going to fight with
jack-daws." Labienus insisted on some prophecies to the effect
that Pompey would gain the victory; "Yes," said Cicero, "and the
first step in the campaign has been losing our camp."
After the battle of Pharsalia was over, at which he was not
present for want of health, and Pompey was fled, Cato, having
considerable forces and a great fleet at Dyrrachium, would have
had Cicero commander-in-chief, according to law, and the
precedence of his consular dignity. And on his refusing the
command, and wholly declining to take part in their plans for
continuing the war, he was in the greatest danger of being
killed, young Pompey and his friends calling him traitor, and
drawing their swords upon him; only that Cato interposed, and
hardly rescued and brought him out of the camp.
Afterwards, arriving at Brundusium, he tarried there sometime in
expectation of Caesar, who was delayed by his affairs in Asia
and Egypt. And when it was told him that he was arrived at
Tarentum, and was coming thence by land to Brundusium, he
hastened towards him, not altogether without hope, and yet in
some fear of making experiment of the temper of an enemy and
conqueror in the presence of many witnesses. But there was no
necessity for him either to speak or do anything unworthy of
himself; for Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way
before the rest of the company, came down to meet him, saluted
him, and, leading the way, conversed with him alone for some
furlongs. And from that time forward he continued to treat him
with honor and respect; so that, when Cicero wrote an oration in
praise of Cato, Caesar, in writing an answer to it, took
occasion to commend Cicero's own life and eloquence, comparing
him to Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's oration was called
Cato; Caesar's, anti-Cato.
So also, it is related that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted
for having been in arms against Caesar, and Cicero had
undertaken his defense, Caesar said to his friends, "Why might
we not as well once more hear a speech from Cicero? Ligarius,
there is no question, is a wicked man and an enemy." But when
Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded
in his speech with such varied pathos, and such a charm of
language, that the color of Caesar's countenance often changed,
and it was evident that all the passions of his soul were in
commotion. At length, the orator touching upon the Pharsalian
battle, he was so affected that his body trembled, and some of
the papers he held dropped out of his hands. And thus he was
overpowered, and acquitted Ligarius.
Henceforth, the commonwealth being changed into a monarchy,
Cicero withdrew himself from public affairs, and employed his
leisure in instructing those young men that would, in
philosophy; and by the near intercourse he thus had with some of
the noblest and highest in rank, he again began to possess great
influence in the city. The work and object which he set himself
was to compose and translate philosophical dialogues and to
render logical and physical terms into the Roman idiom. For he
it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names
to phantasia, syncatathesis, epokhe, catalepsis, atomon,
ameres, kenon, and other such technical terms, which, either by
metaphors or other means of accommodation, he succeeded in
making intelligible and expressible to the Romans. For his
recreation, he exercised his dexterity in poetry, and when he
was set to it, would make five hundred verses in a night. He
spent the greatest part of his time at his country-house near
Tusculum. He wrote to his friends that he led the life of
Laertes, either jestingly, as his custom was, or rather from a
feeling of ambition for public employment, which made him
impatient under the present state of affairs. He rarely went to
the city, unless to pay his court to Caesar. He was commonly
the first amongst those who voted him honors, and sought out new
terms of praise for himself and for his actions. As, for
example, what he said of the statues of Pompey, which had been
thrown down, and were afterwards by Caesar's orders set up
again: that Caesar, by this act of humanity, had indeed set up
Pompey's statues, but he had fixed and established his own.
He had a design, it is said, of writing the history of his
country, combining with it much of that of Greece, and
incorporating in it all the stories and legends of the past that
he had collected. But his purposes were interfered with by
various public and various private unhappy occurrences and
misfortunes; for most of which he was himself in fault. For
first of all, he put away his wife Terentia, by whom he had been
neglected in the time of the war, and sent away destitute of
necessaries for his journey; neither did he find her kind when
he returned into Italy, for she did not join him at Brundusium,
where he stayed a long time, nor would allow her young daughter,
who undertook so long a journey, decent attendance, or the
requisite expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty
house, and yet had involved him in many and great debts. These
were alleged as the fairest reasons for the divorce. But
Terentia, who denied them all, had the most unmistakable defense
furnished her by her husband himself, who not long after married
a young maiden for the love of her beauty, as Terentia upbraided
him; or as Tiro, his emancipated slave, has written, for her
riches, to discharge his debts. For the young woman was very
rich, and Cicero had the custody of her estate, being left
guardian in trust; and being indebted many myriads of money, he
was persuaded by his friends and relations to marry her,
notwithstanding his disparity of age, and to use her money to
satisfy his creditors. Antony, who mentions this marriage in
his answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a
wife with whom he had lived to old age; adding some happy
strokes of sarcasm on Cicero's domestic, inactive,
unsoldier-like habits. Not long after this marriage, his
daughter died in child-bed at Lentulus's house, to whom she had
been married after the death of Piso, her former husband. The
philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for his
grief was so excessive, that he put away his new-married wife,
because she seemed to be pleased at the death of Tullia. And
thus stood Cicero's domestic affairs at this time.
He had no concern in the design that was now forming against
Caesar, although, in general, he was Brutus's most principal
confidant, and one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as
desirous of the former state of public affairs, as any other
whatsoever. But they feared his temper, as wanting courage, and
his old age, in which the most daring dispositions are apt to
be timorous.
As soon, therefore, as the act was committed by Brutus and
Cassius, and the friends of Caesar were got together, so that
there was fear the city would again be involved in a civil war,
Antony, being consul, convened the senate, and made a short
address recommending concord. And Cicero, following with
various remarks such as the occasion called for, persuaded the
senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree an amnesty for what
had been done in Caesar's case, and to bestow provinces on
Brutus and Cassius. But neither of these things took effect. For
as soon as the common people, of themselves inclined to pity,
saw the dead body of Caesar borne through the marketplace, and
Antony showing his clothes filled with blood, and pierced
through in every part with swords, enraged to a degree of
frenzy, they made a search for the murderers, and with
firebrands in their hands ran to their houses to burn them.
They, however, being forewarned, avoided this danger; and
expecting many more and greater to come, they left the city.
Antony on this was at once in exultation, and everyone was in
alarm with the prospect that he would make himself sole ruler,
and Cicero in more alarm than anyone. For Antony, seeing his
influence reviving in the commonwealth, and knowing how closely
he was connected with Brutus, was ill-pleased to have him in the
city. Besides, there had been some former jealousy between
them, occasioned by the difference of their manners. Cicero,
fearing the event, was inclined to go as lieutenant with
Dolabella into Syria. But Hirtius and Pansa, consuls elect as
successors of Antony, good men and lovers of Cicero, entreated