Plutarch: Lives of the noble Grecians and Romans
forces from the war itself, but, on the contrary, laid out of
his own substance, and employed the very means of his private
sustenance in exile for the liberty of his country. Besides
this, Brutus and Cassius, when they fled from Rome, could not
live safe or quiet, being condemned to death and pursued, and
were thus of necessity forced to take arms and hazard their
lives in their own defense, to save themselves, rather than
their country. On the other hand, Dion enjoyed more ease, was
more safe, and his life more pleasant in his banishment, than
was the tyrant's who had banished him, when he flew to action,
and ran the risk of all to save Sicily.
Take notice, too, that it was not the same thing for the
Sicilians to be freed from Dionysius, and for the Romans to be
freed from Caesar. The former owned himself a tyrant, and vexed
Sicily with a thousand oppressions; whereas Caesar's supremacy,
certainly, in the process for attaining it, had inflicted no
little trouble on its opponents, but, once established and
victorious, it had indeed the name and appearance, but fact that
was cruel or tyrannical there was none. On the contrary, in the
malady of the times and the need of a monarchical government, he
might be thought to have been sent, as the gentlest physician,
by no other than a divine intervention. And thus the common
people instantly regretted Caesar, and grew enraged and
implacable against those that killed him. Whereas Dion's chief
offense in the eyes of his fellow-citizens was his having let
Dionysius escape, and not having demolished the former tyrant's
tomb.
In the actual conduct of war, Dion was a commander without
fault, improving to the utmost those counsels which he himself
gave, and, where others led him into disaster, correcting and
turning everything to the best. But Brutus seems to have shown
little wisdom in engaging in the final battle, which was to
decide everything, and, when he failed, not to have done his
business in seeking a remedy ; he gave all up, and abandoned his
hopes, not venturing against fortune even as far as Pompey did,
when he had still means enough to rely on in his troops, and was
clearly master of all the seas with his ships.
The greatest thing charged on Brutus is, that he, being saved by
Caesar's kindness, having saved all the friends whom he chose to
ask for, he moreover accounted a friend, and preferred above
many, did yet lay violent hands upon his preserver. Nothing
like this could be objected against Dion; quite the contrary,
whilst he was of Dionysius's family and his friend, he did good
service, and was useful to him; but driven from his country,
wronged in his wife, and his estate lost, he openly entered upon
a war just and lawful. Does not, however, the matter turn the
other way? For the chief glory of both was their hatred of
tyranny, and abhorrence of wickedness. This was unmixed and
sincere in Brutus; for he had no private quarrel with Caesar,
but went into the risk singly for the liberty of his country.
The other, had he not been privately injured, had not fought.
This is plain from Plato's epistles, where it is shown that he
was turned out, and did not forsake the court to wage war upon
Dionysius. Moreover, the public good made Brutus Pompey's
friend (instead of his enemy as he had been) and Caesar's enemy;
since he proposed for his hatred and his friendship no other end
and standard but justice. Dion was very serviceable to
Dionysius whilst in favor; when no longer trusted, he grew angry
and fell to arms. And, for this reason, not even were his own
friends all of them satisfied with his undertaking, or quite
assured that, having overcome Dionysius, he might not settle the
government on himself, deceiving his fellow-citizens by some
less obnoxious name than tyranny. But the very enemies of
Brutus would say that he had no other end or aim, from first to
last, save only to restore to the Roman people their ancient
government.
And apart from what has just been said, the adventure against
Dionysius was nothing equal with that against Caesar. For none
that was familiarly conversant with Dionysius but scorned him
for his life of idle amusement with wine, women, and dice;
whereas it required an heroic soul and a truly intrepid and
unquailing spirit so much as to entertain the thought of
crushing Caesar so formidable for his ability, his power, and
his fortune, whose very name disturbed the slumbers of the
Parthian and Indian kings. Dion was no sooner seen in Sicily
but thousands ran in to him and joined him against Dionysius;
whereas the renown of Caesar, even when dead, gave strength to
his friends; and his very name so heightened the person that
took it, that from a simple boy he presently became the chief of
the Romans; and he could use it for a spell against the enmity
and power of Antony. If any object that it cost Dion great
trouble and difficulties to overcome the tyrant, whereas Brutus
slew Caesar naked and unprovided, yet this itself was the result
of the most consummate policy and conduct, to bring it about
that a man so guarded around, and so fortified at all points,
should be taken naked and unprovided. For it was not on the
sudden, nor alone, nor with a few, that he fell upon and killed
Caesar; but after long concerting the plot, and placing
confidence in a great many men, not one of whom deceived him.
For he either at once discerned the best men, or by confiding in
them made them good. But Dion, either making a wrong judgment,
trusted himself with ill men, or else by his employing them made
ill men of good; either of the two would be a reflection on a
wise man. Plato also is severe upon him, for choosing such for
friends as betrayed him.
Besides, when Dion was killed, none appeared to revenge his
death. Whereas Brutus, even amongst his enemies, had Antony
that buried him splendidly; and Caesar also took care his honors
should be preserved. There stood at Milan in Gaul, within the
Alps, a brazen statue, which Caesar in after-times noticed
(being a real likeness, and a fine work of art), and passing by
it, presently stopped short, and in the hearing of many
commended the magistrates to come before him. He told them
their town had broken their league, harboring an enemy. The
magistrates at first simply denied the thing, and, not knowing
what he meant, looked one upon another, when Caesar, turning
towards the statue and gathering his brows, said, "Pray, is not
that our enemy who stands there?" They were all in confusion,
and had nothing to answer; but he, smiling, much commended the
Gauls, as who had been firm to their friends, though in
adversity, and ordered that the statue should remain standing as
he found it.
ARATUS
The philosopher Chrysippus, O Polycrates, quotes an ancient
proverb, not as really it should be, apprehending, I suppose,
that it sounded too harshly, but so as he thought it would run
best, in these words,
Who praise their father but the generous sons?
But Dionysodorus the Troezenian proves him to be wrong, and
restores the true reading, which is this, --
Who praise their fathers but degenerate sons?
telling us that the proverb is meant to stop the mouth of those
who, having no merit of their own, take refuge in the virtues of
their ancestors, and make their advantage of praising them.
But, as Pindar hath it,
He that by nature doth inherit
From ancestors a noble spirit,
as you do, who make your life the copy of the fairest originals
of your family, -- such, I say, may take great satisfaction in
being reminded, both by hearing others speak and speaking
themselves, of the best of their progenitors. For they assume
not the glory of praises earned by others out of any want of
worth of their own, but, affiliating their own deeds to those of
their ancestor, give them honor as the authors both of their
descent and manners.
Therefore I have sent to you the life which I have written of
your fellow-citizen and forefather Aratus, to whom you are no
discredit in point either of reputation or of authority, not as
though you had not been most diligently careful to inform
yourself from the beginning concerning his actions, but that
your sons, Polycrates and Pythocles, may both by hearing and
reading become familiar with those family examples which it
behooves them to follow and imitate. It is a piece of
self-love, and not of the love of virtue, to imagine one has
already attained to what is best.
The city of Sicyon, from the time that it first fell off from
the pure and Doric aristocracy (its harmony being destroyed, and
a mere series of seditions and personal contests of popular
leaders ensuing), continued to be distempered and unsettled,
changing from one tyrant to another, until, Cleon being slain,
Timoclides and Clinias, men of the most repute and power amongst
the citizens, were chosen to the magistracy. And the
commonwealth now seeming to be in a pretty settled condition,
Timoclides died, and Abantidas, the son of Paseas, to possess
himself of the tyranny, killed Clinias, and, of his kindred and
friends, slew some and banished others. He sought also to kill
his son Aratus, whom he left behind him, being but seven years
old. This boy in the general disorder getting out of the house
with those that fled, and wandering about the city helpless and
in great fear, by chance got undiscovered into the house of a
woman who was Abantidas's sister, but married to Prophantus, the
brother of Clinias, her name being Soso. She, being of a
generous temper, and believing the boy had by some supernatural
guidance fled to her for shelter, hid him in the house, and at
night sent him away to Argos.
Aratus, being thus delivered and secured from this danger,
conceived from the first and ever after nourished a vehement and
burning hatred against tyrants, which strengthened with his
years. Being therefore bred up amongst his father's
acquaintance and friends at Argos with a liberal education, and
perceiving his body to promise good health and stature, he
addicted himself to the exercises of the palaestra, to that
degree that he competed in the five games, and gained some
crowns; and indeed in his statues one may observe a certain kind
of athletic cast, and the sagacity and majesty of his
countenance does not dissemble his full diet and the use of the
hoe. Whence it came to pass that he less studied eloquence than
perhaps became a statesman, and yet he was more accomplished in
speaking than many believe, judging by the commentaries which he
left behind him, written carelessly and by the way, as fast as
he could do it, and in such words as first came to his mind.
In the course of time, Dinias and Aristoteles the logician
killed Abantidas, who used to be present in the marketplace at
their discussions, and to make one in them; till they, taking
the occasion, insensibly accustomed him to the practice, and so
had opportunity to contrive and execute a plot against him.
After him Paseas, the father of Abantidas, taking upon him the
government, was assassinated by Nicocles, who himself set up for
tyrant. Of him it is related that he was strikingly like
Periander the son of Cypselus, just as it is said that Orontes
the Persian bore a great resemblance to Alcmaeon the son of
Amphiaraus, and that Lacedaemonian youth, whom Myrsilus relates
to have been trodden to pieces by the crowd of those that came
to see him upon that report, to Hector.
This Nicocles governed four months, in which, after he had done
all kinds of mischief to the city, he very nearly let it fall
into the hands of the Aetolians. By this time Aratus, being
grown a youth, was in much esteem, both for his noble birth and
his spirit and disposition, which, while neither insignificant