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Portuguese literature

Aubrey F. G. Bell

§ 2. _The Cancioneiros_ If, besides the _Cancioneiros da Vaticana_, _Colocci-Brancuti_, and _da Ajuda_, we include King Alfonso X’s _Cantigas de Santa Maria_ (C. M.) we have over 2,000 poems, by some 200 poets. Of these the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ (C. A.) contains 310. Preserved in the Lisbon _Collegio dos Nobres_ and later in the Royal Library of Ajuda at Lisbon, it was first published in an edition of twenty-five copies by Charles Stuart (afterwards Lord Stuart of Rothesay), British Minister at Lisbon (C. A. S.). Another edition, by Varnhagen, appeared in 1849 (C. A. V.), and the splendid definitive edition by D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos in 1904 (C. A. M. V.). C. A. M. V. contains 467 poems, in part reproduced from C. V. M. and C. C. B. The third volume, of notes, is still unpublished. Of the _Cancioneiro_ preserved as Codex Vaticanus 4803, and now commonly known as _Cancioneiro da Vaticana_ (C. V.), fragments were published soon after its rediscovery: viz. that portion attributed to King Dinis, edited by Moura in 1847 (C. D. M.). This part received a critical edition at the hands of Professor H. R. Lang in 1892; 2nd ed., with introduction, Halle, 1894 (C. D. L.). A few more crumbs were given to the world by Varnhagen in 1870, 2nd ed. 1872 (C. T. A.), and in 1873 (C. A. P.) and 1875 (C. L.) by Ernesto Monaci, who printed his diplomatic edition of the complete text (1,205 poems) in the latter year (C. V. M.), and with it an index of a still larger _Cancioneiro_ (it has 1,675 entries) compiled by Angelo Colocci in the sixteenth century and discovered by Monaci in the Vatican Library (codex 3217). Dr. Theophilo Braga’s critical edition appeared in 1878 (C. V. B.). In this very year a large _Cancioneiro_ (355 ff.), corresponding nearly but not precisely to the Colocci index, was discovered in the library of the Conte Paolo Antonio Brancuti (C. C. B. For convenience’ sake C. C. B. also = the fragment published by Enrico Gasi Molteni), and the 442 of its poems, lacking in C. V. (but nearly half of which are in C. A.), were published in diplomatic edition by Enrico Molteni in 1880 (C. C. B.). All these (C. A., C. V., and C. C. B.) were in all probability derived from the _Cancioneiro_ compiled by the Conde de Barcellos. When his father, King Dinis, died, silence fell upon the poets. The new king, Afonso IV, showed no sign of continuing to collect the smaller _Cancioneiros_ kept by nobles and men of humbler position, a custom inaugurated by his grandfather, Afonso III (if the _Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Afonso_ in King Duarte’s library was his), continued by King Dinis (_Livro de Trovas del Rei D. Dinis_), and perhaps revived by King Duarte a century later (_Livro de Trovas del Rei_). It was thus a time suitable for a ‘definitive edition’, and Count Pedro, who was the last of the _Cancioneiro_ poets and who was more collector than poet, probably took the existing _Cancioneiros_ (of Afonso III and Dinis) and added a third part consisting of later poems. Besides the chronological order there was a division by subject into _cantigas de amor_, _cantigas de amigo_, and _cantigas d’escarnho e de maldizer_ (Santillana’s _cantigas_, _serranas e dezires_, or _cantigas serranas_, the Archpriest of Hita’s _cantares serranos e dezires_). C. V. is divided into these three kinds; in the older and incomplete C. A. 304 of the 310 poems are _cantigas de amor_. Eleven years after the death of King Duarte the Marqués de Santillana wrote (1449) to the Constable of Portugal, D. Pedro, describing the Galician-Portuguese _Cancioneiro_--_un grant volume_--which he had seen in his boyhood in the possession of D. Mencia de Cisneros. (This may have been the actual manuscript compiled by D. Pedro, Conde de Barcellos and bequeathed by him in 1350 to Alfonso XI of Castille and Leon--a few days _after_ Alfonso XI’s death. Or it may have been a copy of the _Cancioneiro_ of D. Pedro or the _Cancioneiro_ of Afonso III or of Dinis.) It is significant that in this very important letter it is a foreigner informing a Portuguese. Under the predominating influence first of Spain then of the Renaissance, the old Portuguese poems, even if they were known to exist, excited no interest in Portugal. They were _musas rusticas, musas in illo tempore rudes et incultas_.[68] With this disdain the _Cancioneiro_ became a real will-o’-the-wisp. Even as late as the nineteenth century one disappeared mysteriously from a sale, another emerged momentarily (see C. T. A.) from the shelves of a Spanish grandee only to fall back into the unknown. In the sixteenth century the evidence as to its being known is contradictory. Duarte Nunez de Leam in 1585 says of King Dinis that _extant hodie eius carmina_. Antonio de Vasconcellos in 1621 declares that time has carried them away: _obliviosa praeripuit vetustas_. A few vague allusions (as that of Sá de Miranda concerning the echoes of Provençal song) were all that was vouchsafed in Portugal to the _Cancioneiro_, although prominent Portuguese men of letters--as Sá de Miranda, André de Resende, Damião de Goes--travelled in Italy and met there Cardinal Pietro Bembo (1470-1547), who had probably owned the _Cancioneiros_ (copies by an Italian hand of a Portuguese original) acquired by Angelo Colocci; yet at this very time Colocci (†1549) was eagerly indexing and annotating the _Cancioneiros_ in Rome. It is this Portuguese neglect and indifference to the things of Portugal which explains the survival of the _cossantes_ only in Rome while the more solemn and less indigenous poems of the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ remained in the land of their birth. A fuller account of the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_, with the fascinating and complicated question of their descent and interrelations, will be found in the _Grundriss_ (pp. 199-202) and D. Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos’ edition of the _Cancioneiro da Ajuda_ (vol. ii, pp. 180-288).[69] When the poetry of the troubadours flourished in Provence Portugal was scarcely a nation. The first Provençal poet, Guilhaume, Comte de Poitou (1087-1127), precedes by nearly a century Sancho I (1154-1211), second King of Portugal, who wrote poems and married the Princess Dulce of Aragon; and the Gascon Marcabrun, the first foreign poet to refer to Portugal, in his poems _Al prim comens del ivernaill_ and _Emperaire per mi mezeis_, in the middle of the twelfth century, spoke not of her poetry but of her warrior deeds: _la valor de Portegal_. Gavaudan similarly refers at the end of the twelfth century to the Galicians and Portuguese among other (Castille, &c.) barriers against the ‘black dogs’ (the Moors). It was in Spain that the Portuguese had opportunity of meeting Provençal poets. The Peninsula in the thirteenth century was, like Greece of old, divided into little States and Courts, each harbouring exiles and refugees from neighbouring States. Civil strife or the death of a king in Portugal would scatter abroad a certain number of noblemen on the losing side, who would thus come into contact with the troubadours as Provençal poetry spread to the Courts of Catalonia and Aragon, Navarre, Castille and Leon. The first King of Portugal, although a prince of the House of Burgundy, held his kingdom in fief to Leon, and all the early kings were in close touch with Leon and Castille. Fernando III, King of Castille and Leon (St. Ferdinand), was a devoted lover of poetry, and his son Alfonso X gathered at his _cort sen erguelh e sen vilania_ a galaxy of talented troubadours, Provençal and Galician. Portugal came into more direct touch with France in other ways, but the influence might have been almost exclusively that of the _trouvères_ of the North had not the more generous enthusiasm of Provence penetrated across the frontier into Spain. Trade was fairly active in the thirteenth century between Portugal and England, North France and Flanders. Many of the members of the religious orders--as the Cluny Benedictines--who occupied the territory of the Moors in Portugal were Frenchmen. With foreign colonists the new towns were systematically peopled. The number of French pilgrims was such that the road to Santiago became known as the ‘French Road’. The Crusades also brought men of many languages to Portugal.[70] The Court by descent and dynastic intermarriage was cosmopolitan; but indeed the life of the whole Peninsula was cosmopolitan to an extent which tallies ill with the idea of the Middle Ages as a period of isolation and darkness. The Portuguese had already begun to show their fondness for _novedades_. Yet it was they who imposed their, the Galician, language. As the Marqués de Santillana observed and the _Cancioneiros_ prove, lyric poets throughout the Peninsula used Galician.[71] Probably the oldest surviving instance of this language in verse by a foreigner is to be found (ten lines) in a _descort_ (_descordo_) written by Raimbaud de Vaqueiras (1158-1217) at the Court of Bonifazio II of Montferrat towards the end of the twelfth century. We cannot doubt that the character and conditions of the north-west of the Peninsula had permitted a thread of lyric poetry to continue there ever since Silius Italicus had heard the youth of Galicia wailing (_ululantem_) their native songs, and that both language and literature had the opportunity to develop earlier there than in the rest of Spain. The tide of Moorish victory only gradually ebbed southward, and the warriors in the sterner country of Castille, with its fiery sun and battles and epics, would look back to the green country of Galicia as the idyllic land of song, a refuge where sons of kings and nobles could spend their minority in comparative peace. When from the ninth century Galicia became a second Holy Land its attractions and central character were immeasurably increased. Pilgrims thither from every country would return to their native land with some words of the language, and those acquainted with Provençal might note the similarity and the musical softness of Galician.[72] It is not certain that the eldest of the ten children of San Fernando, ALFONSO X (1221?-84), _el Sabio_, King of Castille and Leon, Lord of Galicia, and brother-in-law of our Edward I, passed his boyhood in Galicia. But when he was compiling a volume of poems referring to many parts of the world besides Spain, to Canterbury and Rome, Paris and Alexandria, Lisbon, Cologne, Cesarea, Constantinople, he would naturally choose Galician not only, or indeed chiefly, because it was the more graceful and pliant medium for lyric verse but because it was the most widely known, and, like French, _plus commune à toutes_ _gens_.[73] He had no delicate ear for its music and made such poor use of its pliancy that it often becomes as hard as the hardest Castilian in his hands. His songs of miracles offer a striking contrast to contemporary Portuguese lyrics in the same language. Their jingles are only possible as a _descort_ in the Portuguese _Cancioneiros_. At the same time he would be influenced in his choice of language by his knowledge of Galicia as the traditional home of the lyric, of the encouraging patronage extended to Galician poets by his son-in-law Afonso III, of the Santiago school of poets, and of the promising future before the Galician language in the hands of the conquering Portuguese. _Multas et perpulchras composuit cantilenas_, says Gil de Zamora, and likens him to David. But when we remember the prodigious services rendered by Alfonso X to Castilian prose, the first question that arises is whether he was indeed the author of the 450 poems in Galician[74] that we possess under his name. Of these poems 426, or, cancelling repetitions,