Shakespeare's family
must have been peculiarly galling to him that by the influence of Sir
Fulke Greville, afterwards Lord Brooke, Camden was advanced over his
head to the dignity he himself desired. After being appointed, for
form's sake, Richmond Herald for one day, Camden was made Clarenceux,
October 23, 1597, between the first and second Shakespeare drafts. This
probably decided Brooke to publish his "Pamphlet of Errors," which, as
he dedicated it to the Earl of Essex, "Lord General of the Royal Forces
in Ireland," must have appeared in 1599. He wrote another book against
Camden, which was forbidden to be published.
The draft for the impalement is also heavily corrected, probably in
comparison and discussion. Of the Shakespeare shield a note adds: "The
person to _whom it was granted_ hath borne magistracy in
Stratford-on-Avon, was Justice of the Peace, married the daughter and
heir of Arderne, and was able to maintain that estate." The Heralds
first tricked the arms of the Ardens of Park Hall, Ermine a fesse chequy
or and az., but scratched them out, and substituted a shield bearing
three cross crosslets fitchee and a chief or, with a martlet for
difference.
I put forward several suggestions concerning this question in an article
in the _Athenaeum_.[61]
The critical strictures against the Shakespeare-Arden claim are best
summed up by Mr. Nichols:[62]
1. That the relation of Mary Arden to the Ardens of Park Hall was
imaginary and impossible, and those who assert it in error. 2. That the
Ardens were connected with nobility, while Robert Arden was a mere
"husbandman." 3. That the Heralds knew the claim was unfounded when they
scratched out the arms of Arden of Park Hall, and replaced them by the
arms of the Ardens of Alvanley, of Cheshire. This was equally
unjustifiable, but as the family lived further off, there was less
likelihood of complaint.
Now we must work out the case step by step on the other side.
Robert Arden, of Park Hall, spent his substance during the Wars of the
Roses, and was finally brought to the block (30 Henry VI.,[63] 1452).
His son Walter was restored by Edward IV., but he would probably be
encumbered by debts and "waste"; at least, he had but small portions to
leave to his family when he made his will[64] (31 July, 17 Henry VII.,
1502). Besides his heir, Sir John, Esquire of the Body to Henry VII., he
had a second son,[65] Thomas, to whom he leaves _ten_ marks annually; a
third son, Martin, who was to have the manor of Natford; if not, then
Martin and his other sons--Robert, Henry, William--should each of them
have _five_ marks annually. This is an income too small even for younger
sons to live on in those days, so it is to be supposed the father had
already either placed them, married them well, or otherwise provided for
them during his life. Among the witnesses to the will are "Thomas Arden
and John Charnells, Squires." Thomas, being the second son, might have
had something from his mother Eleanor, daughter and coheir of John
Hampden, of Great Hampden, county Bucks. This Thomas was alive in 1526,
because Sir John Arden then willed that his brothers--Thomas, Martin,
and Robert--should have their fees for life. Henry, and probably also
William, had meanwhile died, though a William seems to have been
established at Hawnes, in Bedfordshire. Seeing that Sir John was the
Esquire of the Body to Henry VII., it seems very probable that his
brother Robert was the Robert Arden, Yeoman of the Chamber, to whom
Henry VII. granted three patents: First, on February 22, 17 Henry VII.,
as Keeper of the Park at Altcar,[66] Lancashire; and second, as Bailiff
of Codmore, Derby,[67] and Keeper of the Royal Park there; the third[68]
gave him Yoxall for life, at a rental of L42--afterwards confirmed.
Indeed, Leland in his "Itinerary" mentions the relationship,[69] and the
administration of Robert's goods proves it.
Martin's family became connected with the Easts and the Gibbons, and his
name and arms appear in the "Visitations of Oxfordshire." Where
meanwhile was Thomas? There is no record of any Thomas Arden in
Warwickshire or elsewhere, ever supposed to be the son of Walter Arden,
save the Thomas who, the year before Walter Arden's death, was living at
Wilmecote, in the parish of Aston Cantlowe, on soil formerly owned by
the Beauchamps. On May 16, 16 Henry VII., Mayowe transferred certain
lands at Snitterfield to "Robert Throckmorton, Armiger, Thomas Trussell
of Billesley, Roger Reynolds of Henley-in-Arden, William Wood of
Woodhouse, Thomas Arden of Wilmecote, and Robert Arden, the son of this
Thomas Arden." This list is worth noting. Thomas Trussell, of an old
family, is identified by his residence.[70] He was Sheriff of the county
in 23 Henry VII. No Throckmorton could take precedence of him save the
Robert Throckmorton of Coughton, who was knighted six months later.[71]
These men were evidently acting as trustees for the young Robert Arden.
Just in the same way this same Robert Throckmorton was appointed by
Thomas's elder brother, Sir John Arden of Park Hall, as trustee for his
children, in association with John Kingsmel, Sergeant-at-Law, Sir
Richard Empson, and Sir Richard Knightley.[72] That a man of the same
name, at the same time, in the same county, retaining the same family
friends, in circumstances in every way suitable to the second son of
Walter Arden, should be accepted for that man seems just and natural,
especially _when no other claimant has ever been brought forward_.
But we _know_ this Thomas Arden was Mary Arden's grandfather; this
Robert was her father; this property, that tenanted afterwards by the
Shakespeares, and left by Robert's will to his family.
As the deed of conveyance of the premises at Snitterfield from Mayowe to
Arden has been often referred to, occasionally quoted, but never, so far
as I know, printed _in extenso_, I should like to preserve the copy. It
may save trouble to future investigators, and help to clear up the
connection between the Shakespeares and the Ardens. It certainly
strengthens very much Mary Arden's claim to connection with the Ardens
of Park Hall, and her descent from "a gentleman of worship," a claim the
heralds allowed.
"Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Johannes Mayowe de Snytterfeld
dedi, concessi, et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi, Roberto
Throkmerton Armigero, Thome Trussell de Billesley, Rogero Reynoldes de
Henley in Arden, Willelmo Wodde de Wodhouse, Thome Arderne de Wylmecote,
et Roberto Arderne filio eiusdem Thome Arderne, unum mesuagium cum suis
pertinenciis in Snytterfeld predicta, una cum omnibus et singulis terris
toftis, croftis, pratis, pascuis et pasturis eidem mesuagio spectantibus
sive pertinentibus in villa et in campis de Snytterfeld predicta cum
omnibus suis pertinenciis; quod quidem mesuagium predictum quondam fuit
Willelmi Mayowe et postea Johannis Mayowe et situatum est inter terram
Johannis Palmer ex parte una et quandam venellam ibidem vocatam
Merellane ex parte altera in latitudine et extendit se in longitudine a
via Regia ibidem usque ad quendam Rivulum, secundum metas et divisas
ibidem factas. Habendum et tenendum predictum mesuagium cum omnibus et
singulis terris Toftis, Croftis, pratis, pascuis, et pasturis predictis,
ac omnibus suis pertinenciis prefatis Roberto Throkmerton, Thome
Trussell, Rogero Reynoldes, Willelmo Wodde, Thome Arderne et Roberto
Ardern heredibus et assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feodi illius
per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta imperpetuum. Et ego vero
predictus Johannes Mayowe et heredes mei mesuagium predictum cum omnibus
et singulis terris Toftis Croftis, pratis, pascuis et pasturis
supradictis ac omnibus suis pertinenciis prefatis Roberto Throckmerton,
Thome Trussell, Rogero Reynoldes, Willelmo Wodde, Thome Arderne et
Roberto Arderne heredibus et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes
Warrantizabimus et defendemus imperpetuum.
"Et insuper sciatis me prefatum Johannem Mayowe assignasse, constituisse
et in loco meo posuisse dilectos michi in Christo Thomam Clopton de
Snytterfeld predicta gentilman et Johannem Porter de eadem meos veros et
legitimos Attornatos conjunctim et divisim ad intrandum vice et nomine
meo in predictum mesuagium cum omnibus et singulis premissis et
pertinenciis suis quibuscunque et ad plenam et pacificam seisinam pro me
ac vice et nomine meo inde capiendam et postquam hujusmodi seisina dicta
capta fuerit ad deliberandam pro me ac vice et nomine meo prefatis
Roberto Throkmerton, Thome Trussell, Rogero Reynoldes, Willelmo Wodde,
Thome Arderne et Roberto Arderne plenam et pacificam possessionem et
seisinam de et in eodem mesuagio ac omnibus et singulis premissis,
secundum vim, formam et effectum huius presentis carte mee. Ratum et
gratum habens et habiturus totum et quicquid dicti attornati mei vice et
nomine meo fecerint seu eorum alter fecerit in premisses. In cuius rei
testimonium huic presenti carte mee et scripto meo sigillum meum
apposui. Hiis testibus Johanne Wagstaffe de Aston Cauntelowe Roberto
Porter de Snytterfield predicta Ricardo Russheby de eadem, Ricardo
Atkyns de Wylmecote predicta, Johanne Alcokkes de Newenham et aliis.
Datum apud Snytterfield predictam die lune proximo post festum
invencionis Sancte Crucis Anno Regni Regis Henrici Septimi post
conquestum Sexto decimo."[73]
Mr. Nichols' second objection was that in records he is styled
"husbandman"; but the word is an old English equivalent for a farmer, in
which sense it is often used in old wills and records. And in the
examination of John Somerville,[74] Edward Arden's son-in-law (also of
high descent), he stated "that he had received no visitors of late, but
certain 'husbandmen,' near neighbours." The Arden "husbandman" of
Wilmecote in 1523 and 1546[75] paid the same amount to the subsidy as
the Arden Esquire of Yoxall[76] in 1590, when money was of less value.
Mr. Nichols' third assertion, that the heralds scratched out the arms of
the Ardens of Park Hall, because they _dared_ not quarter them with
those of the Shakespeares, shows that he omitted certain considerations.
That family was under attainder then.
Drummond[77] exemplifies many arms of Arden, and traces them back to
their derivation. He notices that the "elder branch of the Ardens took
the arms of the old Earls of Warwick; the younger branches took the arms
of the Beauchamps, with a difference. In this they followed the custom
of the Earls of Warwick." The Ardens of Park Hall therefore bore ermine,
a fesse chequy, or, and az., arms derived from the old Earls of Warwick;
and this was the pattern scratched out in John Shakespeare's quartering.
But the reason lay in no breach of connection, but in the fact that Mary
Arden was an heiress, not in the eldest line, but through a _second
son_. A possible pattern for a younger son was three cross crosslets
fitchee and a chief or. As such they were borne by the Ardens of
Alvanley, with a crescent for difference. They were borne without the
crescent by Simon Arden of Longcroft,[78] the second son of the next
generation, and full cousin of Mary Arden's father. It is true that
among the tombs at Yoxall the fesse chequy appeared, but there is
evident confusion in their use. Martin Arden of Euston was probably in
the wrong to assume when he did the arms of his elder brother; William
Arden of Hawnes, if the sixth son, county Bedford, bore the same arms as
those proposed for Mary Arden, and it is implied that Thomas, her
father, had borne them. In the Heralds' College is the draft:
"Shakespere impaled with the Aunceyent armes of the said Arden of
Willingcote" (volume marked R. 21 outside and G. XIII. inside).
If the three cross crosslets fitchee were the correct arms for Thomas
Arden as the second son of an Arden, who might bear ermine, a fesse