Stonewall Jackson and the American Civil War
open air. The whole of the staff were in a perfect ecstasy at their
chief’s brilliant appearance, and the old negro servant, who was
bearing the roast turkey to the board, stopped in mid career with a
most bewildered expression, and gazed in such wonderment at his master
as if he had been transfigured before him. Meanwhile, the rumour of the
change ran like electricity through the neighbouring camps, the
soldiers came running by hundreds to the spot, desirous of seeing their
beloved Stonewall in his new attire; and the first wearing of a new
robe by Louis XIV, at whose morning toilette all the world was
accustomed to assemble, never created half the excitement at Versailles
that was roused in the woods of Virginia by the investment of Jackson
in the new regulation uniform.”[40]
The second incident is less amusing, but was not less appreciated by
the rank and file. Riding one morning near Front Royal, accompanied by
his staff, Jackson was stopped by a countrywoman, with a chubby child
on either side, who inquired anxiously for her son Johnnie, serving,
she said, “in Captain Jackson’s company.” The
general, with the deferential courtesy he never laid aside, introduced
himself as her son’s commanding officer, but begged for further
information as to his regiment. The good dame, however, whose interest
in the war centred on one individual, appeared astonished that Captain
Jackson “did not know her particular Johnnie,” and repeated her
inquiries with such tearful emphasis that the young staff officers
began to smile. Unfortunately for themselves, Jackson heard a titter,
and turning on them with a scathing rebuke for their want of manners,
he sent them off in different directions to discover Johnnie, giving
them no rest until mother and son were brought together.
But if the soldiers loved Jackson for his simplicity, and respected him
for his honesty, beyond and above was the sense of his strength and
power, of his indomitable will, of the inflexibility of his justice,
and of the unmeasured resources of his vigorous intellect. It is
curious even after the long lapse of years to hear his veterans speak
of their commander. Laughter mingles with tears; each has some droll
anecdote to relate, each some instance of thoughtful sympathy or kindly
deed; but it is still plain to be seen how they feared his displeasure,
how hard they found his discipline, how conscious they were of their
own mental inferiority. The mighty phantom of their lost leader still
dominates their thoughts; just as in the battles of the Confederacy his
earthly presentment dominated the will of the Second Army Corps. In the
campaign which had driven the invaders from Virginia, and carried the
Confederate colours to within sight of Washington, his men had found
their master. They had forgotten how to criticise. His generals had
learned to trust him. Success and adulation had not indeed made him
more expansive. He was as reticent as ever, and his troops—the
foot-cavalry as they were now called—were still marched to and fro
without knowing why or whither. But men and officers, instead of
grumbling when they were roused at untimely hours, or when their
marches were prolonged, without apparent necessity, obeyed with
alacrity, and amused themselves by wondering what new surprise the
general was preparing. “Where are you going?” they were asked as they
were turned out for an unexpected march: “We don’t know, but Old Jack
does,” was the laughing reply. And they had learned something of his
methods. They had discovered the value of time, of activity, of
mystery, of resolution. They discussed his stratagems, gradually
evolving, for they were by no means apparent at the time, the object
and aim of his manœuvres; and the stirring verses, sung round every
camp-fire, show that the soldiers not only grasped his principles of
warfare, but that they knew right well to whom their victories were to
be attributed.
STONEWALL JACKSON’S WAY
Come, stack arms, men, pile on the rails;
Stir up the camp-fires bright;
No matter if the canteen fails,
We’ll make a roaring night.
Here Shenandoah brawls along,
There lofty Blue Ridge echoes strong,
To swell the Brigade’s roaring song
Of Stonewall Jackson’s way.
We see him now—the old slouched hat,
Cocked o’er his eye askew;
The shrewd dry smile—the speech so pat,
So calm, so blunt, so true.
The “Blue-Light Elder” knows them well:
Says he, “That’s Banks—he’s fond of shell;
Lord save his soul! we’ll give him——” well,
That’s Stonewall Jackson’s way.
Silence! ground arms! kneel all! caps off!
Old Blue-Light’s going to pray;
Strangle the fool that dares to scoff!
Attention! it’s his way!
Appealing from his native sod,
_In formá pauperis_ to God,
“Lay bare thine arm—stretch forth thy rod,
Amen!” That’s Stonewall’s way.
He’s in the saddle now! Fall in,
Steady, the whole Brigade!
Hill’s at the Ford, cut off!—we’ll win
His way out, ball and blade.
What matter if our shoes are worn?
What matter if our feet are torn?
Quick step! we’re with him before morn!
That’s Stonewall Jackson’s way.
The sun’s bright lances rout the mists
Of morning—and, by George!
There’s Longstreet struggling in the lists,
Hemmed in an ugly gorge.
Pope and his columns whipped before—
“Bayonets and grape!” hear Stonewall roar,
“Charge, Stuart! pay off Ashby’s score!”
That’s Stonewall Jackson’s way.
Ah! maiden, wait and watch and yearn
For news of Stonewall’s band;
Ah! widow, read with eyes that burn
The ring upon thy hand.
Ah! wife, sew on, pray on, hope on
Thy life shall not be all forlorn;
The foe had better ne’er been born
That gets in Stonewall’s way.
NOTE
_Jackson’s Strength and Losses, August–September 1882_
Strength at Cedar Run, August 9:
Winder’s (Jackson’s own) Division (estimate)
Ewell’s Division[41]
Lawton’s Brigage[42]
A. P. Hill’s (the Light) Division[43]
Robertson’s Cavalry Brigade[44] (estimate) 3,000 5,350 2,200 12,000
1,200 ——— 23,750
Losses at Cedar Run:
Winder’s Division
Ewell’s Division
The Light Division
Cavalry, etc. 718 195 381 20 ——
4,000 ——— 22,436
Losses on the Rappahannock, August 20–24
Losses at Bristoe Station and Manassas
Junction, August 26, 27 100
300 Losses at Groveton, August 28:
Stonewall Division (estimate)
Ewell’s Division 441 759 —— 1,200 Stragglers and sick
(estimate) Cavalry transferred to Stuart 1,200 1,200 ———
4,000
Strength at Second Manassas, August 20 and 30 ——— 18,436
Losses:
Taliaferro’s Division
Ewell’s Division
The Light Division 416 364 1,507 ——— 2,387 Loss at Chantilly,
September 1
Should have marched into Maryland 500 ——— 15,549
Strength at Sharpsburg:
Jones’ Division
Ewell’s Division
The Light Division
(1 Brigade left at Harper’s Ferry) 2,000 4,000 5,000 800 ———
11,800[45] Loss at Harper’s Ferry 62 Losses at Sharpsburg:
Jones’ Division
Ewell’s Division
The Light Division 700 1,334 404 ———
2,438 ——— Strength on September 19 9,300
The Report of September 22, O.R., vol. xiv, part ii, p. 621, gives:
Jackson’s own Division
Ewell’s Division
The Light Division 2,553 3,290 4,777 ——— 10,620[46]
[1] Two fords, behind the left and centre, were examined by Major
Hotchkiss during the battle by Jackson’s order, and were reported
practicable for infantry.
[2] The majority of Jackson’s guns appear to have been left behind the
team. Having broken down, at Harper’s Ferry.
[3]
Men Guns A. P. Hill’s Division McLaws’ Division
R. H. Anderson’s Division
Hampton’s Cavalry Brigade 5,000 4,500 3,500 1,500 ———
14,500 18 24 18 — — 60
[4] Doubleday’s Division consisted of Phelps’, Wainwright’s,
Patrick’s, and Gibbon’s brigades; Rickett’s Division of Duryea’s,
Lyle’s, and Hartsuff’s; and Meade’s Pennsylvania Division of
Seymour’s, Magilton’s, and Anderson’s.
[5] This battery of regulars, “B” 4th U.S. Artillery, lost 40 officers
and men killed and wounded, besides 33 horses. O.R., vol. xix, part i,
p. 229.
[6] Early’s brigade had not yet been engaged.
[7] One small regiment was left with Stuart.
[8] Mansfield’s corps consisted of two divisions, commanded by
Crawford (two brigades) and Greene (three brigades). The brigadiers
were Knipe, Gordon, Tynedale, Stainbrook, Goodrich.
[9] Both D. H. Hill and the Washington artillery had sixteen guns
each.
[10] “Our artillery,” says General D. H. Hill, “could not cope with
the superior weight, calibre, range, and number of the Yankee guns;
hence it ought only to have been used against masses of infantry. On
the contrary, our guns were made to reply to the Yankee guns, and were
smashed up or withdrawn before they could be effectually turned
against massive columns of attack.” After Sharpsburg Lee gave orders
that there were to be no more “artillery duels” so long as the
Confederates fought defensive battles.
[11] Letter of Jackson’s Adjutant-General. _Memoirs of W. N.
Pendleton, D.D.,_ p. 216.
[12] Sharpsburg. By Major-General J. G. Walker, C.S.A. _Battles and
Leaders,_ vol. ii, pp. 677, 678.
[13] _Memoirs,_ p. 572. _The Antietam and Fredericksburg,_ p. 87.
[14] It was not until two o’clock that even Meade’s Pennsylvanians
were reformed.
[15]
Hooker Mansfield Sedwick Smith 11,000 8,500 6,000 5,000 ———
30,500 [16] Lawton Jones Hood Stuart G. T. Anderson Walker
McLaws D. H. Hill (3 brigades) 3,600 1,800 2,000 1,500 1,000
3,500 4,500 1,500 ——— 19,400
[17] The Federals engaged against Jackson lost in five and a half
hours 7,000 officers and men. During the seven hours they were engaged
at Gravelotte the Prussian Guard and the Saxon Army Corps lost 10,349;
but 50,000 infantry were in action. The percentage of loss (20) was
about the same in both cases. The Confederate losses up to 10.30 a.m.
were as follows:
Jones Lawton Hood McLaws Walker Anderson D.H. Hill (estimate) 700
1,334 1,002 1,119 1,012 87 500 ——— 5,754 (29 p.c.)
[18] Hill received his orders at 6.30 a.m. and marched an hour later,
reaching the battle-field about 3.30 p.m.
[19] _From Manassas to Appomattox,_ pp 256, 257.
[20] _Battles and Leaders,_ vol. ii, pp. 679, 680.
[21] General Palfrey. _The Antietam and Fredericksburg._
[22] “One does not look for humour in a stern story like this, but the
_Charleston Courier_ account of the battle contains the following
statement: ‘They [the Confederates] fought until they were cut to
pieces, and then retreated only because they had fired their last
round!’” General Palfrey, _The Antietam and Fredericksburg._
[23] Communicated by General Stephen P. Lee, who was present at the
conference.
[24] Evidently the ridge which had been held by Stuart on the 17th.
[25] Communicated to the author. The difficulties in the way of the
attack, of which Jackson was aware on the night of the 17th, probably
led to his advising retreat when Lee asked his opinion at the
conference (_ante,_ pp. 259, 260).
[26] Commanding Ewell’s division, _vice_ Lawton, wounded at
Sharpsburg.
[27] Semmes’ four regiments, engaged in Jackson’s counterstroke,
reported the following percentage of loss. 53rd Georgia, 30 p.c.; 32nd
Virginia, 45 p.c.; 10th Georgia, 57 p.c.; 15th Virginia, 58 p.c.
[28] For the losses in various great battles, see Note at end of
volume.
[29] Mr. Lincoln had long before this recognised the tendency of
McClellan and others to exaggerate the enemy’s strength. As a
deputation from New England was one day leaving the White House, a
delegate turned round and said: “Mr. President, I should much like to
know what you reckon to be the number the rebels have in arms against