The adventures of Heine
of the war to observe the distinction between open and defended towns,
and also for not observing the Treaty of London.
3. At all times the editor must urge the necessity for arriving at an
understanding with Germany. The cost of the war, the loss of life,
must be deplored, and the possibility of avoiding further losses by
meeting the Germans at a peace council must be insisted upon.
4. References to the taxation which will follow the war, and how
hardly it will fall upon the working classes as well as upon the
moneyed classes must be made frequently.
5. Whenever possible it should be hinted that the British have no
reason for continuing the war, and that they are being bled white to
support the insensate ambitions of France. French military actions
should, in consequence, be criticized as far as possible.
6. Stories dealing with the humanity of the German soldier, which will
be supplied from time to time, should be given prominence, and
references to German strikes may be made the most of, especially at
moments of industrial unrest in England.
These were only a few of the instructions. I cannot help thinking that
Wilhelmstrasse made a great mistake in its moderation. If it had been
left to me I would have instructed the editor to lose no opportunity
of attacking every other newspaper which spoke slightingly of our
great country--but then I am a patriot!
I had no difficulty in getting an introduction to Collingrey, and he
invited me to dine at the British House of Commons. In a few words
over a post-prandial cigar I explained the object of my visit. The
good friend whose letter of introduction had procured the interview
had smoothed my path by representing me to be an agent of a South
American rancher (name unknown) who desired to break into London
society, and in tones of gentle but amused tolerance I hinted at my
client’s vanity.
It was a difficult interview, because Mr. Collingrey paid very little
attention to what I said, but launched forth into a diatribe against
the Italian Government. He was a monomaniac on the subject. He thumped
the table so that all the other members in the dining-room looked
round. He pounded his hand with his fist. He waved his finger in my
face. He sat back, he sat forward, and all the time he spoke of the
Italian Government and its iniquities. So much the better, my friend,
thought I. I give you my word you shall have your fling at false
Italia.
It gave me an opening to the exposition of the policy which the
newspaper would support, particulars of which reached me
providentially on the morning of my meeting the gentleman. Very gently
and delicately I laid down the lines on which the paper would be
conducted, and he agreed. Of course I did not give him all the
details, for I did not desire to scare him.
“If you asked me to run a pro-Government paper I should have refused
it,” he said violently, “this is a Government of nincompoops, a
Government of charlatans, a Government of Enemies of the People. I
regard the war as a crowning iniquity and its continuance inexcusable
but for the fact that our Ministers have sold themselves body and soul
to Italy. Take my own case, for instance.…”
And so I had it all over again, the story of his purchase of the di
Vinci pictures from the Montimi collection, the story of the embargo,
the story of the lawsuit. What bores these English members of
Parliament are, how childish; what a contrast to the staid members of
our own Reichstag with their serious politics and their love of the
Fatherland!
Mr. Collingrey readily undertook to act as go-between. He entered into
the spirit of the matter with great enthusiasm, and when I met him two
or three days later he produced two manuscripts dealing with the
Italian Government, which he read to me in the lobby of the House of
Commons.
When the purchase was completed and the _Post-Herald_ had passed into
the possession of a certain syndicate, which it is not advisable to
name, he had a manuscript on Italy in every pocket. Having done my
part of the work and taken the small commission which was my right,
and having seen Mr. Heigl safely on his journey back to Stockholm, I
had little time to bother about the newspaper, the more so since
Berlin in its folly had decided that I was not to interfere in its
management.
I bowed respectfully to the high authorities and to the well-born
gentlemen who directed Germania’s policy, but I submit in all humility
that had Heine been at the helm much that subsequently happened might
have been avoided.
Mr. Collingrey carried out his instructions faithfully, and when they
were explained with more elaborate detail he accepted his orders (to
my surprise) without demur or question. His vivid leading articles on
the Italian Government attracted a great deal of attention and led to
a strict application of the censorship, but this only gave him a new
interest in life, namely, in so couching his words that he could do
the maximum amount of damage to his enemies without incurring censure.
He was gentle with Germany, restrained in his reference to the
U-boats, never spoke of the Kaiser except as the Emperor William, and
his references to labour were invariably quoted in the extreme organs
of the masses. He was indeed a most satisfactory person, and I have in
my possession a letter addressed to me by the noble-born Count von
Mazberg, the head of our propaganda department, congratulating me upon
my most excellent choice. This I can show to any interested person who
doubts my word, and especially to those evil-minded un-German
journalists who have so often attacked me and my work.
I was out of London a great deal, being concerned in consultation with
certain labouring men who desired to bring the war to an end by an
understanding with Germany. These English patriots were organizing a
strike, and, naturally, I rendered them all the assistance that lay in
my power. This meant that I had to travel with a great deal of money
and could not afford to allow my attention to be distracted from the
business at hand.
I arrived in London one evening and on reaching my flat discovered an
urgent telegram from Mr. Collingrey asking me to dine with him at the
Carltonia Hotel, as he had news of the greatest importance. I
immediately changed into my evening dress and drove down to the hotel
where the editor was waiting impatiently. He was happier than I have
ever seen him. His thin, cadaverous face was wreathed in smiles, as he
heartily shook my hand, brushing aside the compliments on his conduct
of the paper which I had prepared.
“Come and have dinner, my boy,” he said. “I have got great news.”
“I am delighted to learn this,” I replied. “Have you got one in the
eye for Italy, if you will pardon the expression?”
“Oh, much better.”
Grasping my arm he led me into the dining-room.
“After all,” he said as we sat down at the table, “perhaps I have been
rather unkind about Italy--my articles have borne fruit.”
“What do you mean?” I asked in surprise.
He chuckled as he unfolded his serviette.
“They have released my pictures, my dear fellow,” he said, “you have
no idea of the weight there is off my mind. It means a tremendous lot
to me--my fortune and my wife’s was invested in those infernal daubs.
Look here,” he took a piece of paper from his pocket and passed it
across to me.
It was a cablegram which had been handed in at New York that morning:
“Agree to your price, hundred and fifty thousand dollars for di Vinci
pictures. Ship them by first mail-boat in charge of reliable
man.--Tilzer.”
“We will have a bottle of champagne on this.”
“But what induced the Government to take this step?”
“The lawsuit is ended,” said Mr. Collingrey, “and ended in my favour.
I tell you it has taken ten years off my age.”
He babbled on like a boy, but presently he grew calmer and we
discussed the policy of the paper, and I was glad to see that he still
retained those honest convictions about Germania which had ever
distinguished his writings.
It was just about this time that America was trembling on the verge of
war, when the unscrupulous Wilson was making his preparations to
commit the great crime against civilization of plunging his country
into the horrors of strife. For me it was a time of the greatest
stress and anxiety. Cablegrams from certain neutral countries reached
me every hour. Secret and confidential wireless messages from the
supreme political chiefs reached me through the usual channels.
The excuse the Americans made was the initiation by our Admiralty of
an unrestricted U-boat campaign against the munition ships of the
Allies and it was still hoped by the superlatively clever men who
guide the helm of the German state that war might be avoided.
On a night I shall never forget I received a message from Amsterdam
which I decoded. It ran:
“VERY URGENT.--To Chief S.S. Agents, London, Madrid, Paris, New York,
Stockholm, Amsterdam.
“Editors and directors of friendly and subsidized papers must be
instructed to deal sympathetically with U-boat campaign. Point out
iniquity blockade which is starving German women and children, and
suggest a compromise between Germany and her enemies. Endeavour
counteract enemy propaganda which will be unusually virulent. Prepare
articles and comments in this vein. Acknowledge to chief of staff.”
I wrote a brief note embodying these instructions to Mr. Collingrey,
telling him that the South American, the mythical proprietor of the
_Post-Herald_ was a big shipowner, and desired to save the shipping of
the Allies. This I despatched by special messenger and immediately
dismissed the matter from my thoughts for, as I say, I had not only
the organization of a great strike but also I had to condense the very
heavy reports which were coming through from our agents in the various
shipping centres.
I worked till three o’clock in the morning and then snatched a few
hours’ sleep. At seven I was at my task again with all the newspapers
ready for perusal. Naturally I turned to the _Post-Herald_ first. Here
I knew I had material for a good report and with my code book open in
front of me, I was preparing to translate the leading article into
language which would pass the censor for transmission to Holland.
I opened the paper. There was the leading article, but to my amazement
it was headed:
German Murderers at their Foul Work.
I gasped. From the very first word to the very last the article was
the bitterest, the most vehement, the most unscrupulous attack upon
Germany that had ever appeared. I grew red and white as I read it. It
called the Germans assassins of the sea, barbarians, Huns, Boches,
pirates, blackguards, thieves--I shudder as I recall the language
which was used by Mr. Collingrey.
I was in a maze, bewildered. I read on like a man in a bad dream,
conscious of the awful avalanche of fury which would sweep down upon
me when Berlin read this dreadful and disloyal article.
It was not till nearly the end of the leader that I began to
understand Mr. Collingrey’s attitude. The final paragraph ran:
“If any doubt existed that this nation of Hun marauders is lacking in
the elements of kultur, that doubt is removed by the wanton sinking of
the Italian steamship _San Salvadoro_. It was an open secret that that
ill-fated vessel was carrying to England two great masterpieces of
Italian art, two priceless examples of Leonardo’s genius. Did that
fact stay the barbarian’s hand? Nay! Rather it lent zest to the
lustful and bestial representative of a savage and unkultured people.
“Those two masterpieces, unfortunately uninsured by their owner, lie
at the bottom of the Bay of Biscay.