The Anabasis of Alexander or, The history of the wars and conquests of Alexander the Great
and the first cavalry battle near the Granicus. The cavalry battle did
really take place near the Granicus, and the next battle with Darius
near Issus; but those authors who make Arbela most distant say that it
is 600[752] stades distant from the place where the last battle between
Alexander and Darius was fought, while those who make it least distant,
say that it is 500 stades off. Moreover, Ptolemy and Aristobulus say
that the battle was fought at Gaugamela near the river Bumodus. But as
Gaugamela was not a city, but only a large village, the place is not
celebrated, nor is the name pleasing to the ear; hence, it seems to
me, that Arbela, being a city, has carried off the glory of the great
battle. But if it is necessary to consider that this engagement took
place near Arbela, being in reality so far distant from it, then it is
allowable to say that the sea-battle fought at Salamis occurred near
the isthmus[753] of the Corinthians, and that fought at Artemisium, in
Euboea, occurred near Aegina or Sunium. Moreover, in regard to those
who covered Alexander with their shields in his peril, all agree that
Peucestas did so; but they no longer agree in regard to Leonnatus or
Abreas, the soldier in receipt of double pay for his distinguished
services. Some say that Alexander, having received a blow on the head
with a piece of wood, fell down in a fit of dizziness; and that having
risen again he was wounded with a dart through the corselet in the
chest. But Ptolemy, son of Lagus, says that he received only this wound
in the chest. However, in my opinion, the greatest error made by those
who have written the history of Alexander is the following. There are
some who have recorded[754] that Ptolemy, son of Lagus, in company with
Peucestas, mounted the ladder with Alexander; that Ptolemy held his
shield over him when he lay wounded, and that he was called Soter (the
preserver) on that account.[755] And yet Ptolemy himself has recorded
that he was not even present at this engagement, but was fighting
battles against other barbarians at the head of another army. Let me
mention these facts as a digression from the main narrative, so that
the correct account of such great deeds and calamities may not be a
matter of indifference to men of the future.[756]
CHAPTER XII.
ANXIETY OF THE SOLDIERS ABOUT ALEXANDER.
While Alexander was remaining in this place until his wound was cured,
the first news which reached the camp from which he had set out to
attack the Mallians was that he had died of the wound; and at first
there arose a sound of lamentation from the entire army, as one man
handed the rumour on to another. When they ceased their lamentation,
they became spiritless, and felt perplexed as to the man who was to
become the leader of the army; for many of the officers seemed to have
stood in equal rank and merit, both in the opinion of Alexander and
in that of the Macedonians. They were also in a state of perplexity
how to get back in safety to their own country, being quite enclosed
by so many warlike nations, some of whom had not yet submitted, and
who they conjectured would fight stoutly for their freedom; while
others would no doubt revolt as soon as they were relieved of their
fear of Alexander. Besides, they seemed at that time to be in the
midst of impassable rivers, and all things appeared to them uncertain
and impracticable now that they were bereft of Alexander. But when at
length the news came that he was still alive, they with difficulty
acquiesced in it; and did not yet believe that he was likely to
survive. Even when a letter came from the king, saying that he was
coming down to the camp in a short time, this did not appear to most
of them worthy of credit, on account of their excessive fear; for
they conjectured that the letter was concocted by his confidential
body-guards and generals.
CHAPTER XIII.
JOY OF THE SOLDIERS AT ALEXANDER’S RECOVERY.
When Alexander became acquainted with this, for fear some attempt at a
revolution might be made in the army, he had himself conveyed, as soon
as it could be done with safety, to the bank of the river Hydraotes,
and placed in a boat to sail down the river. For the camp was at the
confluence of the Hydraotes and Acesines, where Hephaestion was at the
head of the army, and Nearchus of the fleet. When the ship bearing the
king approached the camp, he ordered the tent covering to be removed
from the stern, that he might be visible to all. But they were still
incredulous, thinking, forsooth, that Alexander’s corpse was being
conveyed on the vessel; until at length he stretched out his hand to
the multitude, when the ship was nearing the bank. Then the men raised
a cheer, lifting their hands, some towards the sky and others to the
king himself. Many even shed involuntary tears at the unexpected sight.
Some of the shield-bearing guards brought a litter for him when he
was conveyed out of the ship; but he ordered them to fetch his horse.
When he was seen again mounting his horse, the whole army re-echoed
with loud clapping of hands, so that the banks of the river and the
groves near them reverberated with the sound. On approaching his tent
he dismounted from his horse, so that he might be seen walking. Then
the men came near, some on one side, others on the other, some touching
his hands, others his knees, others only his clothes. Some only came
close to get a sight of him, and went away having chanted his praise,
while others threw garlands upon him, or the flowers which the country
of India supplied at that season of the year. Nearchus says that some
of his friends incurred his displeasure, reproaching him for exposing
himself to danger in the front of the army in battle; which they said
was the duty of a private soldier, and not that of the general.[757]
It seems to me that Alexander was offended at these remarks, because
he knew that they were correct, and that he deserved the censure.
However, like those who are mastered by any other pleasure, he had
not sufficient self-control to keep aloof from danger, through his
impetuosity in battle and his passion for glory. Nearchus also says
that a certain old Boeotian, whose name he does not mention, perceiving
that Alexander was offended at the censures of his friends and was
looking sullenly at them, came near him, and speaking in the Boeotian
dialect, said: “O Alexander, it is the part of heroes to perform great
deeds!” and repeated a certain Iambic verse, the purport of which
is, that the man who performs anything great is destined also to
suffer.[758] This man was not only acceptable to Alexander at the time,
but was afterwards received into his more intimate acquaintance.
CHAPTER XIV.
VOYAGE DOWN THE HYDRAOTES AND ACESINES INTO THE INDUS.
At this time arrived envoys from the Mallians who still survived,
offering the submission of the nation; also from the Oxydracians came
both the leaders of the cities and the governors of the provinces,
accompanied by the other 150 most notable men, with full powers to make
a treaty, bringing the gifts which are considered most valuable among
the Indians, and also, like the Mallians, offering the submission of
their nation. They said that their error in not having sent an embassy
to him before was pardonable, because they excelled other races in the
desire to be free and independent, and their freedom had been secure
from the time Dionysus came into India until Alexander came; but if
it seemed good to him, inasmuch as there was a general report that
he also was sprung from gods, they were willing to receive whatever
viceroy he might appoint, pay the tribute decreed by him, and give
him as many hostages as he might demand. He therefore demanded the
thousand best men of the nation, whom he might hold as hostages, if he
pleased; and if not, that he might keep them as soldiers in his army,
until he had finished the war which he was waging against the other
Indians. They accordingly selected the thousand best and tallest men
of their number, and sent them to him, together with 500 chariots and
charioteers, though these were not demanded. Alexander appointed Philip
viceroy over these people and the Mallians who were still surviving.
He sent back the hostages to them, but retained the chariots. When
he had satisfactorily arranged these matters, since many vessels had
been built during the delay arising from his being wounded,[759] he
embarked 1,700 of the cavalry Companions, as many of the light-armed
troops as before, and 10,000 infantry, and sailed a short distance down
the river Hydraotes. But when that river mingled its waters with the
Acesines, the latter giving its name to the united stream, he continued
his voyage down the Acesines, until he reached its junction with the
Indus. For these four large rivers,[760] which are all navigable,
discharge their water into the river Indus, though each does not
retain its distinct name. For the Hydaspes discharges itself into the
Acesines, and after the junction the whole stream forms what is called
the Acesines. Again this same river unites with the Hydraotes, and
after absorbing this river, still retains its own name. After this
the Acesines takes in the Hyphasis, and finally flows into the Indus
under its own name; but after the junction it yields its name to the
Indus. From this point I have no doubt that the Indus proceeds 100
stades,[761] and perhaps more, before it is divided so as to form the
Delta; and there it spreads out more like a lake than a river.
CHAPTER XV.
VOYAGE DOWN THE INDUS TO THE LAND OF MUSICANUS.
There, at the confluence of the Acesines and Indus, he waited until
Perdiccas with the army arrived, after having routed on his way the
independent tribe of the Abastanians.[762] Meantime, he was joined by
other thirty-oared galleys and trading vessels which had been built
for him among the Xathrians, another independent tribe of Indians who
had yielded to him. From the Ossadians, who were also an independent
tribe of Indians, came envoys to offer the submission of their nation.
Having fixed the confluence of the Acesines and Indus as the limit
of Philip’s viceroyalty, he left with him all the Thracians and as
many men from the infantry regiments as appeared to him sufficient to
provide for the security of the country. He then ordered a city to be
founded there at the very junction of the two rivers, expecting that
it would become large and famous among men.[763] He also ordered a
dockyard to be made there. At this time the Bactrian Oxyartes, father
of his wife Roxana, came to him, to whom he gave the viceroyalty over
the Parapamisadians, after dismissing the former viceroy, Tiryaspes,
because he was reported to be exercising his authority improperly.[764]
Then he transported Craterus with the main body of the army and the
elephants to the left bank of the river Indus, both because it seemed
easier for a heavy-armed force to march along that side of the river,
and the tribes dwelling near were not quite friendly. He himself sailed
down to the capital of the Sogdians; where he fortified another city,
made another dockyard, and repaired his shattered vessels. He appointed
Oxyartes viceroy, and Peithon general of the land extending from the
confluence of the Indus and Acesines as far as the sea, together with
all the coastland of India. He then again despatched Craterus with
his army through the country of the Arachotians and Drangians; and
himself sailed down the river into the dominions of Musicanus, which
was reported to be the most prosperous part of India. He advanced
against this king because he had not yet come to meet him to offer the
submission of himself and his land, nor had he sent envoys to seek