The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
a few braves of the interior[2671] to get information about him.
(_June 17th_) Next day (_Friday 11th_) at the Other Prayer, one of Bāqī
Beg's retainers came in. Bāqī had beaten scouts of Bīban and Bāyazīd,
killed one of their good men, Mubārak Khān _Jalwānī_, and some others,
sent in several heads, and one man alive.
(_June 18th_) At dawn (_Saturday 12th_) Paymaster Shāh Ḥusain came in,
told the story of the beating of the scouts, and gave various news.
Tonight, that is to say, the night of Sunday the 13th of the
month,[2672] the river Jūn came down in flood, so that by the dawn, the
whole of the island on which I was settled, was under water. I moved to
another an arrow's-flight down-stream, there had a tent set up and
settled down.
(_June 20th_) On Monday (_14th_) Jalāl _Tāshkīndī_ came from the begs
and sulṯāns of the advance. Shaikh Bāyazīd and Bīban, on hearing of
their expedition, had fled to the _pargana_ of Mahūba.[2673] [Sidenote:
Fol. 380.]
As the Rains had set in and as after 5 or 6 months of active service,
horses and cattle in the army were worn out, the sulṯāns and begs of the
expedition were ordered to remain where they were till they received
fresh supplies from Āgra and those parts. At the Other Prayer of the
same day, leave was given to Bāqī and the army of Aūd (Ajodhya). Also an
allowance of 30 _lāks_[2674] from Amrohā was assigned to Mūsa (son) of
Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_, who had waited on me at the time the returning army
was crossing the Sarū-water,[2675] a special head-to-foot and saddled
horse were bestowed on him, and he was given his leave.
(_sss. Bābur returns to Āgra._)
(_June 21st_) With an easy mind about these parts, we set out for Āgra,
raid-fashion,[2676] when 3 _pās_ 1 _garī_ of Tuesday night were
past.[2677] In the morning (_Tuesday 15th_) we did 16 _kurohs_ (32 m.),
near mid-day made our nooning in the _pargana_ of Balādar, one of the
dependencies of Kālpī, there gave our horses barley, at the Evening
Prayer rode on, did 13 _kurohs_ (26 m.) in the night, at the 3rd
night-watch (_mid-night_, _Shawwāl 15-16th_) dismounted at Bahādur Khān
_Sarwānī's_ tomb at Sūgandpūr, a _pargana_ of Kālpī, slept a little,
went through the Morning Prayer and hurried on. After doing 16 _kurohs_
(32 m.), we reached Etāwa at the fall of day, where Mahdī Khwāja came
out to meet us.[2678] Riding [Sidenote: Fol. 380b.] on after the 1st
night-watch (9 p.m.), we slept a little on the way, did 16 _kurohs_ (32
m.), took our nooning at Fatḥpūr of Rāprī, rode on soon after the
Mid-day Prayer (_Thursday Shawwāl 17th_), did 17 _kurohs_ (34 m.), and
in the 2nd night-watch[2679] dismounted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises
at Āgra.
(_June 24th_) At the dawn of Friday (_18th_) Pay-master Sl. Muḥammad
came with several more to wait on me. Towards the Mid-day Prayer, having
crossed Jūn, I waited on Khwāja `Abdu'l-ḥaqq, went into the Fort and saw
the begīms my paternal-aunts.
(_ttt. Indian-grown fruits._)
A Balkhī melon-grower had been set to raise melons; he now brought a few
first-rate small ones; on one or two bush-vines (_būta-tāk_) I had had
planted in the Garden-of-eight-paradises very good grapes had grown;
Shaikh Gūran sent me a basket of grapes which too were not bad. To have
grapes and melons grown in this way in Hindūstān filled my measure of
content.
(_uuu. Arrival of Māhīm Begīm._)
(_June 26th_) Māhīm arrived while yet two watches of Sunday night
(_Shawwāl 20th_)[2680] remained. By a singular agreement of things they
had left Kābul on the very day, the 10th of the 1st Jumāda (_Jan. 21st
1529_) on which I rode out to the army.[2681]
(_Here the record of 11 days is wanting._)
(_July 7th_) On Thursday the 1st of Ẕū'l-qa`da the offerings made by
Humāyūn and Māhīm were set out while I sat in the large Hall of
Audience.
Today also wages were given to 150 porters (_kahār_) and they were
started off under a servant of Faghfūr _Dīwān_ to fetch melons, grapes,
and other fruits from Kabul. [Sidenote: Fol. 381.]
(_vvv. Concerning Saṃbhal._)
(_July 9th_) On Saturday the 3rd of the month, Hindū Beg who had come as
escort from Kābul and must have been sent to Saṃbhal on account of the
death of `Alī-i-yūsuf, came and waited on me.[2682] Khalīfa's (son)
Ḥusāmu'd-dīn came also today from Alwār and waited on me.
(_July 10th_) On Sunday morning (_4th_) came `Abdu'l-lāh (_kitābdār_),
who from Tīr-mūhānī[2683] had been sent to Saṃbhal on account of the
death of `Alī-i-yūsuf.
(_Here the record of 7 days is wanting._)
(_www. Sedition in Lāhor._)
People from Kābul were saying that Shaikh Sharaf of Qarā-bāgh, either
incited by `Abdu'l-`azīz or out of liking for him, had written an
attestation which attributed to me oppression I had not done, and
outrage that had not happened; that he had extorted the signatures of
the Prayer-leaders (_imāmlār_) of Lāhor to this accusation, and had sent
copies of it to the various towns; that `Abdu'l-`azīz himself had failed
to give ear to several royal orders, had spoken unseemly words, and done
acts which ought to have been left undone. On account of these matters
Qaṃbar-i-`alī _Arghūn_ was started off on Sunday the 11th of the month
(_Ẕū'l-qa`da_), to arrest Shaikh Sharaf, the Lāhor _imāms_ with their
associates, and `Abdu'l-`azīz, and to bring them all to Court.
(_xxx. Varia._)
(_July 22nd_) On Thursday the 15th of the month Chīn-tīmūr Sl. came in
from Tijāra and waited on me. Today Champion [Sidenote: Fol. 381b.]
Ṣādiq and the great champion-wrestler of Aūd wrestled. Ṣādiq gave a
half-throw[2684]; he was much vexed.
(_July 28th_) On Monday the 19th of the month (_Ẕū'l-qa`da_) the
Qīzīl-bāsh envoy Murād the life-guardsman was made to put on an inlaid
dagger with belt, and a befitting dress of honour, was presented with 2
_laks_ of _tankas_ and given leave to go.
(_Here the record of 15 days is wanting._)
(_yyy. Sedition in Gūālīār._)
(_August 11th_) Sayyid Mashhadī who had come from Gūālīār in these days,
represented that Raḥīm-dād was stirring up sedition.[2685] On account of
this, Khalīfa's servant Shāh Muḥammad the seal-bearer was sent to convey
to Raḥīm-dād matters written with commingling of good counsel. He went;
and in a few days came back bringing Raḥīm-dād's son, but, though the
son came, Raḥīm-dād himself had no thought of coming. On Wednesday the
5th of _Ẕū'l-ḥijja_, Nūr Beg was sent to Gūālīār to allay Raḥīm-dād's
fears, came back in a few days, and laid requests from Raḥīm-dād before
us. Orders in accordance with those requests had been written and were
on the point of despatch when one of Raḥīm-dād's servants arriving,
represented that he had come to effect the escape of the son and that
Raḥīm-dād himself had no thought of coming in. I was for riding out at
once to Gūālīār, but Khalīfa set it forth to me, "Let me write one more
letter commingled with good counsel; he may even yet come peacefully."
On this mission Khusrau's (son?) Shihābu'd-dīn was despatched.
(_August 12th_) On Thursday the 6th of the month mentioned
(_Ẕū'l-ḥijja_) Mahdī Khwāja came in from Etāwa.[2686] [Sidenote: Fol.
382.]
(_August 16th_) On the Festival-day[2687] (_Monday 10th_) Hindū Beg was
presented with a special head-to-foot, an inlaid dagger with belt; also
a _pargana_ worth 7 _laks_[2688] was bestowed on Ḥasan-i-`alī,
well-known among the Turkmāns[2689] for a Chaghatāī.[2690]
936 AH.-SEP. 5TH 1529 TO AUGUST 25TH 1530 AD.
(_a. Raḥīm-dād's affairs._)
(_Sep. 7th_) On Wednesday the 3rd of Muḥarram, Shaikh Muḥammad
_Ghaus̤_[2691] came in from Gūālīār with Khusrau's (son) Shihābu'd-dīn
to plead for Raḥīm-dād. As Shaikh Muḥammad _Ghaūṣ_ was a pious and
excellent person, Raḥīm-dād's faults were forgiven for his sake. Shaikh
Gūran and Nūr Beg were sent off for Gūālīār, so that the place having
been made over to their charge....[2692]
TRANSLATOR'S NOTE ON 936 TO 937 AH.-1529 TO 1530 AD.
It is difficult to find material for filling the _lacuna_ of some 15
months, which occurs in Bābur's diary after the broken passage of
Muḥarram 3rd 936 AH. (Sept. 7th 1529 AD.) and down to the date of his
death on Jumāda 1. 6th 937 AH. (Dec. 26th 153O AD.). The known original
sources are few, their historical matter scant, their contents mainly
biographical. Gleanings may yet be made, however, in unexpected places,
such gleanings as are provided by Aḥmad-i-yādgār's interpolation of
Tīmūrid history amongst his lives of Afghān Sulṯāns.
The earliest original source which helps to fill the gap of 936 AH. is
Ḥaidar Mīrzā's _Tārīkh-i-rashīdī_, finished as to its Second Part which
contains Bābur's biography, in 948 AH. (1541 AD.), 12 years therefore
after the year of the gap 936 AH. It gives valuable information about
the affairs of Badakhshān, based on its author's personal experience at
30 years of age, and was Abū'l-faẓl's authority for the _Akbar-nāma_.
The next in date of the original sources is Gul-badan Begīm's
_Humāyūn-nāma_, a chronicle of family affairs, which she wrote in
obedience to her nephew Akbar's command, given in about 995 AH. (1587
AD.), some 57 years after her Father's death, that whatever any person
knew of his father (Humāyūn) and grandfather (Bābur) should be written
down for Abū'l-faẓl's use. It embodies family memories and traditions,
and presumably gives the recollections of several ladies of the royal
circle.[2693]
The _Akbar-nāma_ derives much of its narrative for 936-937 AH. from
Ḥaidar Mīrzā and Gul-badan Begīm, but its accounts of Bābur's
self-surrender and of his dying address to his chiefs presuppose the
help of information from a contemporary witness. It is noticeable that
the _Akbar-nāma_ records no public events as occurring in Hindūstān
during 936-937 AH., nothing of the sequel of rebellion by
Raḥīm-dād[2694] and `Abdu'l-`azīz, nothing of the untiring Bīban and
Bāyazīd. That something could have been told is shown by what
Aḥmad-i-yādgār has preserved (_vide post_); but 50 years had passed
since Bābur's death and, manifestly, interest in filling the _lacunæ_ in
his diary was then less keen than it is over 300 years later. What in
the _Akbar-nāma_ concerns Bābur is likely to have been written somewhat
early in the _cir._ 15 years of its author's labours on it,[2695] but,
even so, the elder women of the royal circle had had rest after the
miseries Humāyūn had wrought, the forgiveness of family affection would
veil his past, and certainly has provided Abū'l-faẓl with an
over-mellowed estimate of him, one ill-assorting with what is justified
by his Bābur-nāma record.
The contribution made towards filling the gap of 936-937 AH. in the body
of Niẕāmu-'d-dīn Aḥmad's _T̤abaqāt-i-akbarī_ is limited to a curious and
doubtfully acceptable anecdote about a plan for the supersession of
Humāyūn as Pādshāh, and about the part played by Khwāja Muqīm _Harāwī_
in its abandonment. A further contribution is made, however, in Book VII
which contains the history of the Muḥammadan Kings of Kashmīr, namely,
that Bābur despatched an expedition into that country. As no such
expedition is recorded or referred to in surviving Bābur-nāma writings,
it is likely to have been sent in 936 AH. during Bābur's tour to and
from Lāhor. If it were made with the aim of extending Tīmūrid authority
in the Himālayan borderlands, a hint of similar policy elsewhere may be
given by the ceremonious visit of the Rāja of Kahlūr to Bābur,
mentioned by Aḥmad-i-yādgār (_vide post_).[2696] The T̤.-i-A. was
written within the term of Abū'l-faẓl's work on the _Akbar-nāma_, being
begun later, and ended about 9 years earlier, in 1002 AH.-1593 AD. It
appears to have been Abū'-l-faẓl's authority for his account of the
campaign carried on in Kashmīr by Bābur's chiefs (_Āyīn-i-akbarī_ vol.
ii, part i, Jarrett's trs. p. 389).