The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
had gone as Governor to Qandahār in 1007 AH. (1598 AD.). This
commemorates not Bābur's but Akbar's century of cities.
It is the primary inscription only which concerns this Appendix. This is
one in relief in the dome of the chamber, recording in florid Persian
that Abū'l-ghāzī Bābur took possession of Qandahār on Shawwāl 13th 928
AH. (Sep. 1st 1522 AD.), that in the same year he commanded the
construction of this _Rawāq-i-jahān-namāī_, and that the work had been
completed by his son Kāmrān at the time he made over charge of Qandahār
to his brother `Askarī in 9 ... (mutilated). After this the gravure
changes in character.
In the above, Bābur's title Abū'l-ghāzī fixes the date of the
inscription as later than the battle of Kanwāha (f. 324_b_), because it
was assumed in consequence of this victory over a Hindū, in March 1527
(Jumāda II 933 AH.).
The mutilated date 9 ... is given by Mohan Lall as 952 AH. but this does
not suit several circumstances, _e.g._ it puts completion too far beyond
the time mentioned as consumed by the work, nine years,—and it was not
that at which Kāmrān made over charge to `Askarī, but followed the
expulsion of both full-brothers from Qandahār by their half-brother
Humāyūn.
The mutilated date 9 ... is given by Darmesteter as 933 AH. but this
again does not fit the historical circumstance that Kāmrān was in
Qandahār after that date and till 937 AH. This date (937 AH.) we suggest
as fitting to replace the lost figures, (1) because in that year and
after his father's death, Kāmrān gave the town to `Askarī and went
himself to Hindūstān, and (2) because work begun in 928 AH. and recorded
as occupying 70-80 men for nine years would be complete in 937 AH.[2795]
The inscription would be one of the last items of the work.
The following matters are added here because indirectly connected with
what has been said and because not readily accessible.
_a. Birth of Kāmrān._
Kāmrān's birth falling in a year of one of the _Bābur-nāma_ gaps, is
nowhere mentioned. It can be closely inferred as 914 or 915 AH. from the
circumstances that he was younger than Humāyūn born late in 913 AH.,
that it is not mentioned in the fragment of the annals of 914 AH., and
that he was one of the children enumerated by Gul-badan as going with
her father to Samarkand in 916 AH. (Probably the children did not start
with their father in the depth of winter across the mountains.) Possibly
the joyful name Kāmrān is linked to the happy issue of the Mughūl
rebellion of 914 AH. Kāmrān would thus be about 18 when left in charge
of Kābul and Qandahār by Bābur in 932 AH. before the start for the fifth
expedition to Hindūstān.
A letter from Bābur to Kāmrān in Qandahār is with Kehr's Latin version
of the _Bābur-nāma_, in Latin and entered on the lining of the cover. It
is shewn by its main topic _viz._ the despatch of Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_'s son
to Kāmrān's charge, to date somewhere close to Jan. 3rd 1527
(Rabī`u'l-awwal 29th 933 AH.) because on that day Bābur writes of the
despatch (Ḥai. Codex f. 306_b_ foot).
Presumably the letter was with Kāmrān's own copy of the _Bābur-nāma_.
That copy may have reached Humāyūn's hands (JRAS 1908 p. 828 _et
seq._). The next known indication of the letter is given in St.
Petersburg by Dr. Kehr. He will have seen it or a copy of it with the
B.N. Codex he copied (one of unequaled correctness), and he, no doubt,
copied it in its place on the fly-leaf or board of his own transcript,
but if so, it has disappeared.
Fuller particulars of it and of other items accompanying it are given in
JRAS 1908 p. 828 _et seq._
K.—AN AFGHĀN LEGEND.
My husband's article in the Asiatic Quarterly Review of April 1901
begins with an account of the two MSS. from which it is drawn, _viz._
I.O. 581 in Pushtū, I.O. 582 in Persian. Both are mainly occupied with
an account of the Yūsuf-zāī. The second opens by telling of the power of
the tribe in Afghānistān and of the kindness of Malik Shāh Sulaimān, one
of their chiefs, to Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā _Kābulī_, (Bābur's paternal uncle,)
when he was young and in trouble, presumably as a boy ruler.
It relates that one day a wise man of the tribe, Shaikh `Us̤mān saw
Sulaimān sitting with the young Mīrzā on his knee and warned him that
the boy had the eyes of Yazīd and would destroy him and his family as
Yazīd had destroyed that of the Prophet. Sulaimān paid him no attention
and gave the Mīrzā his daughter in marriage. Subsequently the Mīrzā
having invited the Yūsuf-zāī to Kābul, treacherously killed Sulaimān and
700 of his followers. They were killed at the place called Siyāh-sang
near Kābul; it is still known, writes the chronicler in about 1770 AD.
(1184 AH.), as the Grave of the Martyrs. Their tombs are revered and
that of Shaikh `Us̤mān in particular.
Shāh Sulaimān was the eldest of the seven sons of Malik Tāju'd-dīn; the
second was Sulṯān Shāh, the father of Malik Aḥmad. Before Sulaimān was
killed he made three requests of Aūlūgh Beg; one of them was that his
nephew Aḥmad's life might be spared. This was granted.
Aūlūgh Beg died (after ruling from 865 to 907 AH.), and Bābur defeated
his son-in-law and successor M. Muqīm (_Arghūn_, 910 AH.). Meantime the
Yūsuf-zāī had migrated to Pashāwar but later on took Sawād from Sl. Wais
(Ḥai. Codex ff. 219, 220_b_, 221).
When Bābur came to rule in Kābul, he at first professed friendship for
the Yūsuf-zāī but became prejudiced against them through their enemies
the Dilazāk[2796] who gave force to their charges by a promised subsidy
of 70,000 _shāhrukhī_. Bābur therefore determined, says the Yūsuf-zāī
chronicler, to kill Malik[2797] Aḥmad and so wrote him a friendly
invitation to Kābul. Aḥmad agreed to go, and set out with four brothers
who were famous musicians. Meanwhile the Dilazāk had persuaded Bābur to
put Aḥmad to death at once, for they said Aḥmad was so clever and
eloquent that if allowed to speak, he would induce the Pādshāh to pardon
him.
On Aḥmad's arrival in Kābul, he is said to have learned that Bābur's
real object was his death. His companions wanted to tie their turbans
together and let him down over the wall of the fort, but he rejected
their proposal as too dangerous for him and them, and resolved to await
his fate. He told his companions however, except one of the musicians,
to go into hiding in the town.
Next morning there was a great assembly and Bābur sat on the
daïs-throne. Aḥmad made his reverence on entering but Bābur's only
acknowledgment was to make bow and arrow ready to shoot him. When Aḥmad
saw that Bābur's intention was to shoot him down without allowing him to
speak, he unbuttoned his jerkin and stood still before the Pādshāh.
Bābur, astonished, relaxed the tension of his bow and asked Aḥmad what
he meant. Aḥmad's only reply was to tell the Pādshāh not to question him
but to do what he intended. Bābur again asked his meaning and again got
the same reply.
Bābur put the same question a third time, adding that he could not
dispose of the matter without knowing more. Then Aḥmad opened the mouth
of praise, expatiated on Bābur's excellencies and said that in this
great assemblage many of his subjects were looking on to see the
shooting; that his jerkin being very thick, the arrow might not pierce
it; the shot might fail and the spectators blame the Pādshāh for missing
his mark; for these reasons he had thought it best to bare his breast.
Bābur was so pleased by this reply that he resolved to pardon Aḥmad at
once, and laid down his bow.
Said he to Aḥmad, "What sort of man is Buhlūl _Lūdī_?" "A giver of
horses," said Aḥmad.
"And of what sort his son Sikandar?" "A giver of robes."
"And of what sort is Bābur?" "He," said Aḥmad, "is a giver of heads."
"Then," rejoined Bābur, "I give you yours."
The Pādshāh now became quite friendly with Aḥmad, came down from his
throne, took him by the hand and led him into another room where they
drank together. Three times did Bābur have his cup filled, and after
drinking a portion, give the rest to Aḥmad. At length the wine mounted
to Bābur's head; he grew merry and began to dance. Meantime Aḥmad's
musician played and Aḥmad who knew Persian well, poured out an eloquent
harangue. When Bābur had danced for some time, he held out his hands to
Aḥmad for a reward (_bakhshīsh_), saying, "I am your performer." Three
times did he open his hands, and thrice did Aḥmad, with a profound
reverence, drop a gold coin into them. Bābur took the coins, each time
placing his hand on his head. He then took off his robe and gave it to
Aḥmad; Aḥmad took off his own coat, gave it to Adu the musician, and put
on what the Pādshāh had given.
Aḥmad returned safe to his tribe. He declined a second invitation to
Kābul, and sent in his stead his brother Shāh Manṣūr. Manṣūr received
speedy dismissal as Bābur was displeased at Aḥmad's not coming. On his
return to his tribe Manṣūr advised them to retire to the mountains and
make a strong _sangur_. This they did; as foretold, Bābur came into
their country with a large army. He devastated their lands but could
make no impression on their fort. In order the better to judge of its
character, he, as was his wont, disguised himself as a Qalandar, and
went with friends one dark night to the Mahūra hill where the stronghold
was, a day's journey from the Pādshāh's camp at Dīārūn.
It was the `Īd-i-qurbān and there was a great assembly and feasting at
Shāh Manṣūr's house, at the back of the Mahūra-mountain, still known as
Shāh Manṣūr's throne. Bābur went in his disguise to the back of the
house and stood among the crowd in the courtyard. He asked servants as
they went to and fro about Shāh Manṣūr's family and whether he had a
daughter. They gave him straightforward answers.
At the time Musammat Bībī Mubāraka, Shāh Manṣur's daughter was sitting
with other women in a tent. Her eye fell on the qalandars and she sent a
servant to Bābur with some cooked meat folded between two loaves. Bābur
asked who had sent it; the servant said it was Shāh Manṣūr's daughter
Bībī Mubāraka. "Where is she?" "That is she, sitting in front of you in
the tent." Bābur Pādshāh became entranced with her beauty and asked the
woman-servant, what was her disposition and her age and whether she was
betrothed. The servant replied by extolling her mistress, saying that
her virtue equalled her beauty, that she was pious and brimful of
rectitude and placidity; also that she was not betrothed. Bābur then
left with his friends, and behind the house hid between two stones the
food that had been sent to him.
He returned to camp in perplexity as to what to do; he saw he could not
take the fort; he was ashamed to return to Kābul with nothing effected;
moreover he was in the fetters of love. He therefore wrote in friendly
fashion to Malik Aḥmad and asked for the daughter of Shāh Manṣūr, son of
Shāh Sulaimān. Great objection was made and earlier misfortunes accruing
to Yūsuf-zāī chiefs who had given daughters to Aūlūgh Beg and Sl. Wais
(Khān Mīrzā?) were quoted. They even said they had no daughter to give.
Bābur replied with a "beautiful" royal letter, told of his visit
disguised to Shāh Manṣūr's house, of his seeing Bībī Mubāraka and as
token of the truth of his story, asked them to search for the food he
had hidden. They searched and found. Aḥmad and Manṣūr were still
averse, but the tribesmen urged that as before they had always made
sacrifice for the tribe so should they do now, for by giving the
daughter in marriage, they would save the tribe from Bābur's anger. The
Maliks then said that it should be done "for the good of the tribe".
When their consent was made known to Bābur, the drums of joy were beaten
and preparations were made for the marriage; presents were sent to the
bride, a sword of his also, and the two Maliks started out to escort