The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
La traduction d'un semblable morceau d'éloquence est de la
plus grande difficulté, si on veut être clair, tout en restant
fidèle à l'original._"
Like the Renunciation _farmān_, the Letter-of-victory with its
preceding sentence which I have asterisked, was probably
inserted into Bābur's narrative somewhat later than the battle
of Kānwa. Hence Bābur's pluperfect-tense "had indited". I am
indebted to my husband for help in revising the difficult
_Fatḥ-nāma_; he has done it with consideration of the variants
between the earlier English and the French translations. No
doubt it could be dealt with more searchingly still by one
well-versed in the Qorān and the Traditions, and thus able to
explain others of its allusions. The italics denote Arabic
passages in the original; many of these are from the Qorān,
and in tracing them M. de Courteille's notes have been most
useful to us.
[2041] Qorān, cap. 80, last sentence.
[2042] Shaikh Zain, in his version of the _Bābur-nāma_, styles
Bābur Nawāb where there can be no doubt of the application of
the title, _viz._ in describing Shāh T̤ahmāsp's gifts to him
(mentioned by Bābur on f. 305). He uses the title also in the
_farmān_ of renunciation (f. 313_b_), but it does not appear
in my text, "royal" (fortune) standing for it (_in loco_ p.
555, l. 10).
[2043] The possessive pronoun occurs several times in the
Letter-of-victory. As there is no semblance of putting forward
that letter as being Bābur's, the pronoun seems to imply "on
our side".
[2044] The _Bābur-nāma_ includes no other than Shaikh Zain's
about Kanwā. Those here alluded to will be the announcements
of success at Milwat, Pānīpat, Dībālpūr and perhaps elsewhere
in Hindūstān.
[2045] In Jūn-pūr (_Āyīn-i-akbarī_); Elliot & Dowson note (iv,
283-4) that it appears to have included, near Sikandarpūr, the
country on both sides of the Gogra, and thence on that river's
left bank down to the Ganges.
[2046] That the word Nawāb here refers to Bābur and not to his
lieutenants, is shewn by his mention (f. 278) of Sangā's
messages to himself.
[2047] Qorān, cap. 2, v. 32. The passage quoted is part of a
description of Satan, hence mention of Satan in Shaikh Zain's
next sentence.
[2048] The brahminical thread.
[2049] _khār-i-miḥnat-i-irtidād dar dāman._ This Erskine
renders by "who fixed thorns from the pangs of apostacy in the
hem of their garments" (p. 360). Several good MSS. have
_khār_, thorn, but Ilminsky has Ar. _khimār_, cymar, instead
(p. 411). De Courteille renders the passage by "_portent au
pan de leurs habits la marque douloureuse de l'apostasie_"
(ii, 290). To read _khimār_, cymar (scarf), would serve, as a
scarf is part of some Hindū costumes.
[2050] Qorān, cap. 69, v. 35.
[2051] M. Defrémery, when reviewing the French translation of
the B.N. (_Journal des Savans_ 1873), points out (p. 18) that
it makes no mention of the "blessed ten". Erskine mentions
them but without explanation. They are the _'asharah
mubash-sharah_, the decade of followers of Muḥammad who
"received good tidings", and whose certain entry into Paradise
he foretold.
[2052] Qorān, cap. 3, v. 20. M. Defrémery reads Shaikh Zain to
mean that these words of the Qorān were on the infidel
standards, but it would be simpler to read Shaikh Zain as
meaning that the infidel insignia on the standards "denounce
punishment" on their users.
[2053] He seems to have been a Rājpūt convert to Muḥammadanism
who changed his Hindī name Silhādī for what Bābur writes. His
son married Sangā's daughter; his fiefs were Raisin and
Sārangpūr; he deserted to Bābur in the battle of Kānwa. (Cf.
Erskine's _History of India_ i, 471 note; _Mirāt-i-sikandarī_,
Bayley's trs. _s.n._; _Akbar-nāma_, H.B.'s trs. i, 261; Tod's
_Rājastān_ cap. Mewār.)
[2054] "Dejāl or al Masih al Dajjal, the false or lying
Messiah, is the Muhammadan Anti-christ. He is to be one-eyed,
and marked on the forehead with the letters K.F.R. signifying
Kafer, or Infidel. He is to appear in the latter days riding
on an ass, and will be followed by 70,000 Jews of Ispahān, and
will continue on the Earth 40 days, of which one will be equal
to a year, another to a month, another to a week, and the rest
will be common days. He is to lay waste all places, but will
not enter Mekka or Medina, which are to be guarded by angels.
He is finally to be slain at the gate of Lud by Jesus, for
whom the Musalmans profess great veneration, calling him the
breath or spirit of God.—See Sale's _Introductory Discourse to
the Koran_" [Erskine].
[2055] Qorān, cap. 29, v. 5.
[2056] "This alludes to the defeat of [an Abyssinian
Christian] Abraha the prince of Yemen who [in the year of
Muḥammad's birth] marched his army and some elephants to
destroy the _ka`ba_ of Makka. 'The Meccans,' says Sale, 'at
the appearance of so considerable a host, retired to the
neighbouring mountains, being unable to defend their city or
temple. But God himself undertook the defence of both. For
when Abraha drew near to Mecca, and would have entered it, the
elephant on which he rode, which was a very large one and
named Maḥmūd, refused to advance any nigher to the town, but
knelt down whenever they endeavoured to force him that way,
though he would rise and march briskly enough if they turned
him towards any other quarter; and while matters were in this
posture, on a sudden a large flock of birds, like swallows,
came flying from the sea-coast, every-one of which carried
three stones, one in each foot and one in its bill; and these
stones they threw down upon the heads of Abraha's men,
certainly killing every one they struck.' The rest were swept
away by a flood or perished by a plague, Abraha alone reaching
Senaa, where he also died" [Erskine]. The above is taken from
Sale's note to the 105 chapter of the Qorān, entitled "the
Elephant".
[2057] Presumably black by reason of their dark large mass.
[2058] Presumably, devouring as fire.
[2059] This is 50 m. long and blocked the narrow pass of the
Caspian Iron-gates. It ends south of the Russian town of
Dar-band, on the west shore of the Caspian. Erskine states
that it was erected to repress the invasions of Yajuj and
Mujuj (Gog and Magog).
[2060] Qorān, cap. lxi, v. 4.
[2061] Qorān, cap. ii, v. 4. Erskine appears to quote another
verse.
[2062] Qorān, cap. xlviii, v. 1.
[2063] Index _s.n._
[2064] _Khirad_, Intelligence or the first Intelligence, was
supposed to be the guardian of the empyreal heaven (Erskine).
[2065] Chīn-tīmūr _Chīngīz-khānid Chaghatāī_ is called Bābur's
brother because a (maternal-) cousin of Bābur's own
generation, their last common ancestor being Yūnas Khān.
[2066] Sulaimān _Tīmūrid Mīrān-shāhī_ is called Bābur's son
because his father was of Bābur's generation, their last
common ancestor being Sl. Abū-sa`id Mīrzā. He was 13 years old
and, through Shāh Begīm, hereditary shāh of Badakhshān.
[2067] The Shaikh was able, it would appear, to see himself as
others saw him, since the above description of him is his own.
It is confirmed by Abū'l-faẓl and Badāyūnī's accounts of his
attainments.
[2068] The honourable post given to this amīr of Hind is
likely to be due to his loyalty to Bābur.
[2069] Aḥmad may be a nephew of Yūsuf of the same agnomen
(Index _s.nn._).
[2070] I have not discovered the name of this old servant or
the meaning of his seeming-sobriquet, Hindū. As a _qūchīn_ he
will have been a Mughūl or Turk. The circumstance of his
service with a son of Maḥmūd _Mīrān-shāhī_ (down to 905 AH.)
makes it possible that he drew his name in his youth from the
tract s.e. of Maḥmūd's Ḥiṣār territory which has been known as
Little Hind (Index _s.n._ Hind). This is however conjecture
merely. Another suggestion is that as _hindū_ can mean
_black_, it may stand for the common _qarā_ of the Turks,
_e.g._ Qarā Barlās, Black Barlās.
[2071] I am uncertain whether Qarā-qūzī is the name of a
place, or the jesting sobriquet of more than one meaning it
can be.
[2072] Soul-full, animated; var. Ḥai. MS. _khān-dār_. No
agnomen is used for Asad by Bābur. The _Akbar-nāma_ varies to
_jāmadār_, wardrobe-keeper, cup-holder (_Bib. Ind._ ed. i,
107), and Firishta to _sar-jāmadar_, head wardrobe-keeper
(lith. ed. p. 209 top). It would be surprising to find such an
official sent as envoy to `Irāq, as Asad was both before and
after he fought at Kānwa.
[2073] son of Daulat Khān _Yūsuf-khail Lūdī_.
[2074] These are the titles of the 20th and 36th chapters of
the Qorān; Sale offers conjectural explanations of them. The
"family" is Muḥammad's.
[2075] a Bāī-qarā Tīmūrid of Bābur's generation, their last
common ancestor being Tīmūr himself.
[2076] an Aūzbeg who married a daughter of Sl. Ḥusain M.
_Bāī-qarā_.
[2077] It has been pointed out to me that there is a Chinese
title of nobility _Yūn-wāng_, and that it may be behind the
words _jang-jang_. Though the suggestion appears to me
improbable, looking to the record of Bābur's officer, to the
prevalence of sobriquets amongst his people, and to what would
be the sporadic appearance of a Chinese title or even
class-name borne by a single man amongst them. I add this
suggestion to those of my note on the meaning of the words
(Index _s.n._ Muḥ. `Alī). The title _Jūn-wāng_ occurs in Dr.
Denison Ross' _Three MSS. from Kāshghar_, p. 5, v. 5 and
translator's preface, p. 14.
[2078] Cf. f. 266 and f. 299. _Yārāgī_ may be the name of his
office, (from _yārāq_) and mean provisioner of arms or food or
other military requirements.
[2079] or, Tardī _yakka_, the champion, Gr. _monomachus_ (A.
N. trs. i, 107 n.).
[2080] var. 1 watch and 2 _g'harīs_; the time will have been
between 9 and 10 a.m.
[2081] _jūldū ba nām al `azīz-i-barādar shud_, a phrase not
easy to translate.
[2082] _viz._ those chained together as a defence and probably
also those conveying the culverins.
[2083] The comparison may be between the darkening smoke of
the fire-arms and the heresy darkening pagan hearts.
[2084] There appears to be a distinction of title between the
_akhta-begī_ and the _mīr-akhẉūr_ (master of the horse).
[2085] Qorān, cap. 14, v. 33.
[2086] These two men were in one of the flanking-parties.
[2087] This phrase "our brother" would support the view that
Shaikh Zain wrote as for Bābur, if there were not, on the
other hand, mention of Bābur as His Majesty, and the precious
royal soul.
[2088] _dīwānīān_ here may mean those associated with the
wazīr in his duties: and not those attending at Court.
[2089] Qorān, cap. 14, v. 52.
[2090] Index _s.n. chuhra_ (a brave).
[2091] _hizabrān-i-besha yakrangī_, literally, forest-tigers
(or, lions) of one hue.
[2092] There may be reference here to the chains used to
connect the carts into a defence.
[2093] The braves of the _khāṣa tābīn_ were part of Bābur's
own centre.
[2094] perhaps the cataphract elephants; perhaps the men in
mail.
[2095] Qorān, cap. 101, v. 54.
[2096] Qorān, cap. 101, v. 4.
[2097] _bā andākhtan-i-sang u ẓarb-zan tufak bisyārī._ As
Bābur does not in any place mention metal missiles, it seems
safest to translate _sang_ by its plain meaning of _stone_.