The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
This year the mutual recriminations of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā and
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā led on to fighting; here are the particulars:—Last
year, as has been mentioned, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and Muz̤affar Ḥusain
Mīrzā had been made to kneel for Balkh and Astarābād. From that time
till this, many envoys had come and gone, at last even `Alī-sher Beg had
gone but urge it as all did, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā would not consent to
give up Astarābād. 'The Mīrzā,' he said, 'assigned[327] it to my son,
Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā at the time of his circumcision.' A conversation
had one day between him and `Alī-sher Beg testifies to his acuteness and
to the sensibility of `Alī-sher Beg's feelings. After saying many things
of a private nature in the Mīrzā's ear, `Alī-sher Beg added, 'Forget
these matters.'[328] 'What matters?' rejoined the Mīrzā instantly.
`Alī-sher Beg was much affected and cried a good deal.
At length the jarring words of this fatherly and filial discussion went
so far that _his_ father against his father, and _his_ son against his
son drew armies out for Balkh and Astarābād.[329]
Up (from Harāt) to the Pul-i-chirāgh meadow, below Garzawān,[330] went
Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā; down (from Balkh) came [Sidenote: Fol. 41b.]
Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā. On the first day of Ramẓān (May 2nd.) Abū'l-muḥsin
Mīrzā advanced, leading some of his father's light troops. There was
nothing to call a battle; Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā was routed and of his
braves masses were made prisoner. Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā ordered that all
prisoners should be beheaded; this not here only but wherever he
defeated a rebel son, he ordered the heads of all prisoners to be struck
off. And why not? Right was with him. The (rebel) Mīrzās were so given
over to vice and social pleasure that even when a general so skilful and
experienced as their father was within half-a-day's journey of them, and
when before the blessed month of Ramẓān, one night only remained, they
busied themselves with wine and pleasure, without fear of their father,
without dread of God. Certain it is that those so lost (_yūtkān_) will
perish and that any hand can deal a blow at those thus going to
perdition (_aūtkān_). During the several years of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's
rule in Astarābād, his coterie and his following, his bare (_yālāng_)
braves even, were in full splendour[4] and adornment. He had many gold
and silver drinking cups [Sidenote: Fol. 42.] and utensils, much silken
plenishing and countless tīpūchāq horses. He now lost everything. He
hurled himself in his flight down a mountain track, leading to a
precipitous fall. He himself got down the fall, with great difficulty,
but many of his men perished there.[331]
After defeating Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā, Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā moved on to
Balkh. It was in charge of Shaikh `Alī T̤aghāī; he, not able to defend
it, surrendered and made his submission. The Mīrzā gave Balkh to Ibrāhīm
Ḥusain Mīrzā, left Muḥammad Walī Beg and Shāh Ḥusain, the page, with him
and went back to Khurāsān.
Defeated and destitute, with his braves bare and his bare
foot-soldiers[332], Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā drew off to Khusrau Shāh in
Qūndūz. Khusrau Shāh, for his part, did him good service, such service
indeed, such kindness with horses and camels, tents and pavilions and
warlike equipment of all sorts, both for himself and those with him,
that eye-witnesses said between this and his former equipment the only
difference might be in the gold and silver vessels.
(_c. Dissension between Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and Khusrau Shāh._)
Ill-feeling and squabbles had arisen between Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā and
Khusrau Shāh because of the injustices of the one and the
self-magnifyings of the other. Now therefore Khusrau Shāh joined his
brothers, Walī and Bāqī to Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and sent the three
against Ḥiṣār. They could not even [Sidenote: Fol. 42b.] get near the
fort, in the outskirts swords were crossed once or twice; one day at the
Bird-house[333] on the north of Ḥiṣār, Muḥibb-`alī, the armourer
(_qūrchī_), outstripped his people and struck in well; he fell from his
horse but at the moment of his capture, his men attacked and freed him.
A few days later a somewhat compulsory peace was made and Khusrau Shāh's
army retired.
Shortly after this, Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā drew off by the mountain-road
to Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ and his son, Shujā` _Arghūn_ in Qandahār and
Zamīn-dāwar. Stingy and miserly as Ẕū'n-nūn was, he served the Mīrzā
well, in one single present offering 40,000 sheep.
Amongst curious happenings of the time one was this: Wednesday was the
day Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā beat Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā; Wednesday was the day
Muz̤affar Ḥusain Mīrzā beat Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā; Wednesday, more
curious still, was the name of the man who unhorsed and took prisoner,
Muḥammad Mū`min Mīrzā.[334]
903 AH.—AUG. 30TH. 1497 TO AUG. 19TH. 1498 AD.[335]
(_a. Resumed account of Bābur's second attempt on Samarkand._)
When we had dismounted in the Qulba (Plough) meadow,[336] behind the
Bāgh-i-maidān (Garden of the plain), the Samarkandīs came out in great
numbers to near Muḥammad Chap's [Sidenote: Fol. 43.] Bridge. Our men
were unprepared; and before they were ready, Bābā `Alī's (son) Bābā Qulī
had been unhorsed and taken into the fort. A few days later we moved to
the top of Qulba, at the back of Kohik.[337] That day Sayyid Yūsuf,[338]
having been sent out of the town, came to our camp and did me obeisance.
The Samarkandīs, fancying that our move from the one ground to the other
meant, 'He has given it up,' came out, soldiers and townsmen in alliance
(through the Turquoise Gate), as far as the Mīrzā's Bridge and, through
the Shaikh-zāda's Gate, as far as Muḥammad Chap's. We ordered our braves
to arm and ride out; they were strongly attacked from both sides, from
Muḥammad Chap's Bridge and from the Mīrzā's, but God brought it right!
our foes were beaten. Begs of the best and the boldest of braves our men
unhorsed and brought in. Amongst them Ḥāfiẓ _Dūldāī's_ (son) Muḥammad
_Mīskin_[339] was taken, after his index-finger had been struck off;
Muḥammad Qāsim _Nabīra_ also was unhorsed and brought in by his own
younger brother, Ḥasan _Nabīra_.[340] There were many other such
soldiers and known men. Of the town-rabble, were brought in Diwāna, the
tunic-weaver and _Kālqāshūq_,[341] headlong leaders both, in brawl and
tumult; they [Sidenote: Fol. 43b.] were ordered to death with torture in
blood-retaliation for our foot-soldiers, killed at the Lovers'
Cave.[342] This was a complete reverse for the Samarkandīs; they came
out no more even when our men used to go to the very edge of the ditch
and bring back their slaves and slave-women.
The Sun entered the Balance and cold descended on us.[343] I therefore
summoned the begs admitted to counsel and it was decided, after
discussion, that although the towns-people were so enfeebled that, by
God's grace, we should take Samarkand, it might be to-day, it might be
to-morrow, still, rather than suffer from cold in the open, we ought to
rise from near it and go for winter-quarters into some fort, and that,
even if we had to leave those quarters later on, this would be done
without further trouble. As Khwāja Dīdār seemed a suitable fort, we
marched there and having dismounted in the meadow lying before it, went
in, fixed on sites for the winter-houses and covered shelters,[344] left
overseers and inspectors of the work and returned to our camp in the
meadow. There we lay during the few days before the winter-houses were
finished.
Meantime Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā had sent again and again to ask help from
Shaibānī Khān. On the morning of the very day on which, our quarters
being ready, we had moved into Khwāja Dīdār, the Khān, having ridden
light from Turkistān, [Sidenote: Fol. 44.] stood over against our
camping-ground. Our men were not all at hand; some, for winter-quarters,
had gone to Khwāja Rabāṯī, some to Kabud, some to Shīrāz. None-the-less,
we formed up those there were and rode out. Shaibānī Khān made no stand
but drew off towards Samarkand. He went right up to the fort but because
the affair had not gone as Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā wished, did not get a good
reception. He therefore turned back for Turkistān a few days later, in
disappointment, with nothing done.
Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā had sustained a seven months' siege; his one hope had
been in Shaibānī Khān; this he had lost and he now with 2 or 300 of his
hungry suite, drew off from Samarkand, for Khusrau Shāh in Qūndūz.
When he was near Tīrmīẕ, at the Amū ferry, the Governor of Tīrmīẕ,
Sayyid Ḥusain Akbar, kinsman and confidant both of Sl. Mas`ūd Mīrzā,
heard of him and went out against him. The Mīrzā himself got across the
river but Mīrīm Tarkhān was drowned and all the rest of his people were
captured, together with his baggage and the camels loaded with his
personal effects; even his page, Muḥammad T̤āhir, falling into Sayyid
Ḥusain Akbar's hands. Khusrau Shāh, for his part, looked kindly on the
Mīrzā.
[Sidenote: Fol. 44b.] When the news of his departure reached us, we got
to horse and started from Khwāja Dīdār for Samarkand. To give us
honourable meeting on the road, were nobles and braves, one after
another. It was on one of the last ten days of the first Rabī` (end of
November 1497 AD.), that we entered the citadel and dismounted at the
Bū-stān Sarāī. Thus, by God's favour, were the town and the country of
Samarkand taken and occupied.
(_b. Description of Samarkand._)[345]
Few towns in the whole habitable world are so pleasant as Samarkand. It
is of the Fifth Climate and situated in lat. 40° 6' and long. 99°.[346]
The name of the town is Samarkand; its country people used to call Mā
warā'u'n-nahr (Transoxania).
They used to call it _Baldat-i-maḥfūẓa_ because no foe laid hands on it
with storm and sack.[347] It must have become[348] Musalmān in the time
of the Commander of the Faithful, his Highness `Usmān. Qus̤am ibn
`Abbās, one of the Companions[349] must have gone there; his
burial-place, known as the Tomb of Shāh-i-zinda (The Living Shāh,
_i.e._, Fāqīr) is outside the Iron Gate. Iskandar must have founded
Samarkand. The Turk and Mughūl hordes call it Sīmīz-kīnt.[350] Tīmūr Beg
made it his capital; no ruler so great will ever have made it a capital
before (_qīlghān aīmās dūr_). I ordered people to pace round the
ramparts of the walled-town; it came out at 10,000 steps.[351]
Samarkandīs are all orthodox (_sunnī_), pure-in-the Faith, law-abiding
and religious. The number of Leaders [Sidenote: Fol. 45.] of Islām said
to have arisen in Mā warā'u'n-nahr, since the days of his Highness the
Prophet, are not known to have arisen in any other country.[352] From
the Mātarīd suburb of Samarkand came Shaikh Abū'l-manṣūr, one of the
Expositors of the Word.[353] Of the two sects of Expositors, the
Mātarīdiyah and the Ash`ariyah,[354] the first is named from this
Shaikh Abū'l-manṣūr. Of Mā warā'u'n-nahr also was Khwāja Ismā`īl
_Khartank_, the author of the _Ṣāḥiḥ-i-bukhārī_.[355] From the Farghāna
district, Marghīnān—Farghāna, though at the limit of settled habitation,
is included in Mā warā'u'n-nahr,—came the author of the _Hidāyat_,[356]
a book than which few on Jurisprudence are more honoured in the sect of
Abū Ḥanīfa.
On the east of Samarkand are Farghāna and Kāshghar; on the west, Bukhārā
and Khwārizm; on the north, Tāshkīnt and Shāhrukhiya,—in books written
Shāsh and Banākat; and on the south, Balkh and Tīrmīẕ.
The Kohik Water flows along the north of Samarkand, at the distance of
some 4 miles (2 _kuroh_); it is so-called because it comes out from
under the upland of the Little Hill (_Kohik_)[357] lying between it and
the town. The Dar-i-gham Water (canal) flows along the south, at the
distance of some two miles (1 _sharī`_). This is a large and swift