The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
Fol. 50.] Shahr-i-sabz, on the skirts of which are many of its villages.
On the other side is the Kohik Water (_i.e._ the Dar-i-gham canal).
There it lies! an excellent _tūmān_, with fine air, full of beauty,
abounding in waters, its good things cheap. Observers of Egypt and Syria
have not pointed out its match.
Though Samarkand has other _tūmāns_, none rank with those enumerated;
with so much, enough has been said.
Tīmūr Beg gave the government of Samarkand to his eldest son, Jahāngīr
Mīrzā (in 776 AH.-1375 AD.); when Jahāngīr Mīrzā died (805 AH.-1403
AD.), he gave it to the Mīrzā's eldest son, Muḥammad Sulṯān-i-jahāngīr;
when Muḥammad Sulṯān Mīrzā died, it went to Shāh-rukh Mīrzā, Tīmūr Beg's
youngest son. Shāh-rukh Mīrzā gave the whole of Mā warā'u'n-nahr (in 872
AH.-1467 AD.) to his eldest son, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā. From him his own son,
`Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā took it, (853 AH.-1449 AD.), for the sake of this
five days' fleeting world martyring a father so full of years and
knowledge.
The following chronogram gives the date of Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's death:—
Aūlūgh Beg, an ocean of wisdom and science,
The pillar of realm and religion,
Sipped from the hand of `Abbās, the mead of martyrdom,
And the date of the death is _`Abbās kasht_ (`Abbās slew).[409]
Though `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā did not rule more than five or six months,
the following couplet was current about him:—
Ill does sovereignty befit the parricide;
Should he rule, be it for no more than six months.[410]
This chronogram of the death of `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā is also well done:—
`Abdu'l-laṯīf, in glory a Khusrau and Jamshīd, [Sidenote: Fol. 50b.]
In his train a Farīdūn and Zardusht,
Bābā Ḥusain slew on the Friday Eve,
With an arrow. Write as its date, _Bābā Ḥusain kasht_ (Bābā
Ḥusain slew).[411]
After `Abdu'l-laṯīf Mīrzā's death, (Jumāda I, 22, 855 AH.-June 22nd.
1450 AD.), (his cousin) `Abdu'l-lāh Mīrzā, the grandson of Shāh-rukh
Mīrzā through Ibrāhīm Mīrzā, seated himself on the throne and ruled for
18 months to two years.[412] From him Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā took it (855
AH.-1451 AD.). He in his life-time gave it to his eldest son, Sl. Aḥmad
Mīrzā; Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā continued to rule it after his father's death
(873 AH.-1469 AD.). On his death (899 AH.-1494 AD.) Sl. Maḥmūd Mīrzā was
seated on the throne and on his death (900 AH.-1495 AD.) Bāī-sunghar
Mīrzā. Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā was made prisoner for a few days, during the
Tarkhān rebellion (901 AH.-1496 AD.), and his younger brother, Sl. `Alī
Mīrzā was seated on the throne, but Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā, as has been
related in this history, took it again directly. From Bāī-sunghar Mīrzā
I took it (903 AH.-1497 AD.). Further details will be learned from the
ensuing history.
(_c. Bābur's rule in Samarkand._)
When I was seated on the throne, I shewed the Samarkand begs precisely
the same favour and kindness they had had before. I bestowed rank and
favour also on the begs with me, [Sidenote: Fol. 51.] to each according
to his circumstances, the largest share falling to Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_;
he had been in the household begs' circle; I now raised him to that of
the great begs.
We had taken the town after a seven months' hard siege. Things of one
sort or other fell to our men when we got in. The whole country, with
exception of Samarkand itself, had come in earlier either to me or to
Sl. `Alī Mīrzā and consequently had not been over-run. In any case
however, what could have been taken from districts so long subjected to
raid and rapine? The booty our men had taken, such as it was, came to an
end. When we entered the town, it was in such distress that it needed
seed-corn and money-advances; what place was this to take anything from?
On these accounts our men suffered great privation. We ourselves could
give them nothing. Moreover they yearned for their homes and, by ones
and twos, set their faces for flight. The first to go was Bayān Qulī's
(son) Khān Qulī; Ibrāhīm _Begchīk_ was another; all the Mughūls went off
and, a little later, Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_.
Aūzūn Ḥasan counted himself a very sincere and faithful friend of
Khwāja-i-qāẓī; we therefore, to put a stop to these desertions, sent the
Khwāja to him (in Andijān) so that they, [Sidenote: Fol. 51b.] in
agreement, might punish some of the deserters and send others back to
us. But that very Aūzūn Ḥasan, that traitor to his salt, may have been
the stirrer-up of the whole trouble and the spur-to-evil of the
deserters from Samarkand. Directly Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ had gone, all the
rest took up a wrong position.
(_d. Andijān demanded of Bābur by The Khān, and also for Jahāngīr
Mīrzā._)
Although, during the years in which, coveting Samarkand, I had
persistently led my army out, Sl. Maḥmūd Khān[413] had provided me with
no help whatever, yet, now it had been taken, he wanted Andijān.
Moreover, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_, just when soldiers of ours
and all the Mughūls had deserted to Andijān and Akhsī, wanted those two
districts for Jahāngīr Mīrzā. For several reasons, those districts could
not be given to them. One was, that though not promised to The Khān, yet
he had asked for them and, as he persisted in asking, an agreement with
him was necessary, if they were to be given to Jahāngīr Mīrzā. A further
reason was that to ask for them just when deserters from us had fled to
them, was very like a command. If the matter had been brought forward
earlier, some way of tolerating a command might have been found. At
[Sidenote: Fol. 52.] the moment, as the Mughūls and the Andijān army and
several even of my household had gone to Andijān, I had with me in
Samarkand, beg for beg, good and bad, somewhere about 1000 men.
When Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_ did not get what they wanted,
they invited all those timid fugitives to join them. Just such a
happening, those timid people, for their own sakes, had been asking of
God in their terror. Hereupon, Aūzūn Ḥasan and Sl. Aḥmad _Taṃbal_,
becoming openly hostile and rebellious, led their army from Akhsī
against Andijān.
Tūlūn Khwāja was a bold, dashing, eager brave of the Bārīn (Mughūls). My
father had favoured him and he was still in favour, I myself having
raised him to the rank of beg. In truth he deserved favour, a
wonderfully bold and dashing brave! He, as being the man I favoured
amongst the Mughūls, was sent (after them) when they began to desert
from Samarkand, to counsel the clans and to chase fear from their hearts
so that [Sidenote: Fol. 52b.] they might not turn their heads to the
wind.[414] Those two traitors however, those false guides, had so
wrought on the clans that nothing availed, promise or entreaty, counsel
or threat. Tūlūn Khwāja's march lay through Aīkī-sū-ārāsī,[415] known
also as Rabāṯik-aūrchīnī. Aūzūn Ḥasan sent a skirmishing party against
him; it found him off his guard, seized and killed him. This done, they
took Jahāngīr Mīrzā and went to besiege Andijān.
(_e. Bābur loses Andijān._)
In Andijān when my army rode out for Samarkand, I had left Aūzūn Ḥasan
and `Alī-dost T̤aghāī (Ramẓān 902 AH.-May 1497 AD.). Khwāja-i-qāẓī had
gone there later on, and there too were many of my men from Samarkand.
During the siege, the Khwāja, out of good-will to me, apportioned 18,000
of his own sheep to the garrison and to the families of the men still
with me. While the siege was going on, letters kept coming to me from my
mothers[416] and from the Khwāja, saying in effect, 'They are besieging
us in this way; if at our cry of distress you do not come, things will
go all to ruin. Samarkand was taken [Sidenote: Fol. 53.] by the strength
of Andijān; if Andijān is in your hands, God willing, Samarkand can be
had again.' One after another came letters to this purport. Just then I
was recovering from illness but, not having been able to take due care
in the days of convalescence, I went all to pieces again and this time,
became so very ill that for four days my speech was impeded and they
used to drop water into my mouth with cotton. Those with me, begs and
bare braves alike, despairing of my life, began each to take thought for
himself. While I was in this condition, the begs, by an error of
judgment, shewed me to a servant of Aūzūn Ḥasan's, a messenger come with
wild proposals, and then dismissed him. In four or five days, I became
somewhat better but still could not speak, in another few days, was
myself again.
Such letters! so anxious, so beseeching, coming from my mothers, that is
from my own and hers, Aīsān-daulat Begīm, and from my teacher and
spiritual guide, that is, Khwāja-i-maulānā-i-qāẓī, with what heart would
a man not move? We left Samarkand for Andijān on a Saturday in Rajab
(Feb.-March), when I had ruled 100 days in the town. It was [Sidenote:
Fol. 53b.] Saturday again when we reached Khujand and on that day a
person brought news from Andijān, that seven days before, that is on the
very day we had left Samarkand, `Alī-dost T̤aghāī had surrendered
Andijān.
These are the particulars;—The servant of Aūzūn Ḥasan who, after seeing
me, was allowed to leave, had gone to Andijān and there said, 'The
_pādshāh_ cannot speak and they are dropping water into his mouth with
cotton.' Having gone and made these assertions in the ordinary way, he
took oath in `Alī-dost T̤aghāī's presence. `Alī-dost T̤aghāī was in the
Khākān Gate. Becoming without footing through this matter, he invited
the opposite party into the fort, made covenant and treaty with them,
and surrendered Andijān. Of provisions and of fighting men, there was no
lack whatever; the starting point of the surrender was the cowardice of
that false and faithless manikin; what was told him, he made a pretext
to put himself in the right.
When the enemy, after taking possession of Andijān, heard of my arrival
in Khujand, they martyred Khwāja-i-maulānā-i-qāẓī by hanging him, with
dishonour, in the Gate of the citadel. [Sidenote: Fol. 54.] He had come
to be known as Khwāja-maulānā-i-qāẓī but his own name was `Abdu'l-lāh.
On his father's side, his line went back to Shaikh Burhānu'd-dīn `Alī
_Qīlīch_, on his mother's to Sl. Aīlīk _Māẓī_. This family had come to
be the Religious Guides (_muqtadā_) and pontiff (_Shaikhu'l-islām_) and
Judge (_qāẓī_) in the Farghāna country.[417] He was a disciple of his
Highness `Ubaidu'l-lāh (_Aḥrārī_) and from him had his upbringing. I
have no doubt he was a saint (_walī_); what better witnesses to his
sanctity than the fact that within a short time, no sign or trace
remained of those active for his death? He was a wonderful man; it was
not in him to be afraid; in no other man was seen such courage as his.
This quality is a further witness to his sanctity. Other men, however
bold, have anxieties and tremours; he had none. When they had killed
him, they seized and plundered those connected with him, retainers and
servants, tribesmen and followers.
In anxiety for Andijān, we had given Samarkand out of our hands; then
heard we had lost Andijān. It was like the saying, 'In ignorance, made
to leave this place, shut out from that' (_Ghafil az īn jā rānda, az ān
jā mānda_). It was very hard and vexing to me; for why? never since I
had ruled, had I been cut [Sidenote: Fol. 54b.] off like this from my
retainers and my country; never since I had known myself, had I known
such annoyance and such hardship.
(_f. Bābur's action from Khujand as his base._)
On our arrival in Khujand, certain hypocrites, not enduring to see
Khalīfa in my Gate, had so wrought on Muḥammad Ḥusain Mīrzā _Dūghlāt_
and others that he was dismissed towards Tāshkīnt. To Tāshkīnt also
Qāsim Beg _Qūchīn_ had been sent earlier, in order to ask The Khān's
help for a move on Andijān. The Khān consented to give it and came
himself by way of the Ahangarān Dale,[418] to the foot of the Kīndīrlīk