The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
470 n.l. 5 fr. ft. "p.66" _read_ p. 166.
482 n.3 "Gujrat" _read_ Malwa.
485 sec. e l.7 "Gumti" _read_ Gui.
499 l.17 "_yak-rang_" _read_ _bak-ding_ (see Add. Note P. 499).
500 l.15 _s.n._ crow "_qarcha_" _read_ _qargha_; n.6 "f. 136"
_read_ f. 135.
505 l.6 tr. n. ref. "2" to, _buia_.
520 n.1 "1854" _read_ 1845.
534 l.2 fr. ft. "and" _read_ 932.
535 l.2 fr. ft. _delete_ "others".
579 l.8 "April 13th" _read_ April 3rd.
591 n.2 "_qurughir_" _read_ _quruqtur_.
604 n.l.1 _read_ _Afaghana_.
616 l.5 _read_ Madhakur; and Sect. m "_qara-su_" _read_ _darya
qaraghi_ or _qaraghina_.
620 l.7 _rahim_ _read_ _rahman_.
621 l.11 after "servants" _read_ Beg-gina "had come".
622 l.12 _read_ Siunjuk; l.13 Tashkint.
631 l.13 _delete_ the parenthesis (see Add. Note P. 631).
632 l.4 _read_ Farrukh.
636 l.7 "rest" _read_ eight others.
640 l.1 _read_ quli.
643 (Feb. 4th) "Muhammad" _read_ Mahmud.
644 n.5 "323" _read_ 232.
699 l.13 "935" _read_ 938.
713 l.3 _read_ Saliha; and l.11 fr. ft.
Miran-shahi.
ADDITIONAL NOTES
P. 16 l. 11.—Niẕāmī mentions "lover's marks" where a rebel chieftain
commenting on Khusrau's unfitness to rule by reason of his
infatuation for Shīrīn, says, "_Hinoz az`āshīqbāzī garm dāgh ast._"
(H.B.)
P. 22 n. 2.—Closer acquaintance with related books leads me to delete
the words "Chaghatāī Mughūl" from Ḥaidar _Dūghlāt's_ tribal
designations (p. 22, n. 2, l. 1). (1) My "Chaghatāī" had warrant (now
rejected) in Ḥaidar's statement (T.R. trs. p. 3) that the Dūghlāt
amirs were of the same stock (_abna`-i-jins_) as the Chaghatāī
Khāqāns. But the Dūghlāt off-take from the common stem was of earlier
date than Chīngīz Khān's, hence, his son's name "Chaghatāī" is a
misnomer for Dūghlāts. (2) As for "Mūghūl" to designate Dūghlāt, and
also Chaghatāī chiefs—guidance for us rests with the chiefs
themselves; these certainly (as did also the Begchīk chiefs) held
themselves apart from "Mughūls of the horde" and begs of the horde—as
apart they had become by status as chiefs, by intermarriage, by
education, and by observance of the amenities of civilized life. To
describe Dūghlāt, Chaghatāī and Begchīk chiefs in Bābur's day as
Mughūls is against their self-classification and is a discourtesy. A
clear instance of need of caution in the use of the word Mughūl is
that of `Alī-sher _Nawā'ī Chaghatāī_. (Cf. Abū'l-ghāzī's accounts of
the formation of several tribes.) (3) That "Mughūl" described for
Hindustānis Bābur's invading and conquering armies does not
obliterate distinctions in its chiefs. Mughūls of the horde followed
Tīmūrids when to do so suited them; there were also in Bābur's armies
several chiefs of the ruling Chaghatāī family, brothers of The Khān,
Sa`īd (_see_ Chīn-tīmūr, Aīsan-tīmūr, Tūkhta-būghā). With these must
have been their following of "Mughūls of the horde".
P. 34 l. 12.—"With the goshawks" translates _qīrchīgha bīla_ of the
Elph. MS. (f. 12_b_) where it is explained marginally by _ba bāzī_,
with the falcon or goshawk. The Ḥai. MS. however has, in its text,
_pīāzī bīla_ which may mean with arrows having points (_Sanglākh_ f.
144_b_ quoting this passage). Ilminski has no answering word (_Méms._
i, 19). Muḥ. _Shirāzī_ [p. 13 l. 11 fr. ft.] writes _ba bāzī
mīandākhtan_.
P. 39.—The _Ḥabību's-siyar_ (lith. ed. iii, 217 l. 16) writes of
Sayyid Murād _Āūghlāqchī_ (the father or g.f. of Yūsuf) that he (who
had, Bābur says, come from the Mughūl horde) held high rank under
Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, joined Ḥusian _Bāī-qarā_ after the Mīrzā's defeat
and death (873 A.H.), and (p. 218) was killed in defeat by Amīr `Alī
_Jalāīr_ who was commanding for Yādgār-i-muḥammad _Shāh-rukhī_.
P. 49.—An _Aīmāq_ is a division of persons and not of territory. In
Mongolia under the Chinese Government it answers to khanate. A Khān
is at the head of an _aīmāq_. Aīmāqs are divided into _koshung_,
_i.e._ banners (_Mongolia_, N. Prejevalsky trs. E. Delmar Morgan, ii,
53).
P. 75 and n. 1.—For an explanation, provided in 94 AH., of why
Samarkand was called _Baldat-i-maḥfūẓa_, the Guarded-city, see
Daulat-shāh, Browne's ed. _s.n._ Qulaiba p. 443.
P. 85 n. 2.—The reference to the _Ḥabību's-siyar_ confuses two
cases of parricide:—`Abdu'l-laṯīf's of Aulugh Beg (853-1447) to which
Ḥ.S. refers [Vol. III, Part 2, p. 163, l. 13 fr. ft.] with (one of
7-628) Shīrūya's of Khusrau Parvīz (Ḥ.S. Vol. I, Part 2, p. 44, l. 11
fr. ft.) where the parricide's sister tells him that the murderer of
his father (and 15 brothers) would eventually be punished by God, and
(a little lower) the couplet Bābur quotes (p. 85) is entered (H.B.).
P. 154 n. 3.—The Persian phrase in the _Siyāsat-nāma_ which describes
the numbering of the army (T. _dīm kūrmāk_) is _ba sar-i-tāzīāna
shumurdan_. Schafer translates _tāzīāna_ by _cravache_. I have
nowhere found how the whip was used; (cf. S.N. Pers. text p. 15 l.
5).
P. 171 n. 1.—Closer acquaintance with Bābur's use of _daryā_, _rūd_,
_sū_, the first of which he reserves for a great river, casts doubt
on my suggestion that _daryā_ may stand for the Kāsān-water. But the
narrative supports what I have noted. The "upper villages" of Akhsī
might be, however, those higher up on the Saiḥūn-daryā (Sīr-daryā).
P. 189 and n. 1.—A third and perhaps here better rendering of _bī
bāqī_ is that of p. 662 (_s.d._ April 10th), "leaving none behind."
P. 196.—The _Habību's-siyar_ (lith. ed. iii, 250 l. 11 fr. ft.)
writes of _barādarān_ of Khusrau Shāh, Amīr Walī and Pīr Walī. As it
is improbable that two brothers (Anglicé) would be called Walī, it
may be right to translate _barādarān_ by brethren, and to understand
a brother and a cousin. Bābur mentions only the brother Walī.
P. 223 ll. 1-3 fr. ft.—The French translation, differing from
`Abdu'r-rahim's and Erskine's, reads Bābur as saying of the ranges
separating the cultivated lands of Kabul, that they are _comme des
ponts de trèfle_, but this does not suit the height and sometimes
permanent snows of some of the separating ranges.—My bald "(great)
dams" should have been expanded to suit the meaning (as I take it to
be) of the words _Yūr-ūnchaqā pul-dik_, like embankments (_pul_)
against going (_yūr_) further; (so far, _ūncha_). Cf. Griffiths'
_Journal_, p. 431.
P. 251.—Niẕāmī expresses the opinion that "Fate is an avenging
servitor" but not in the words used by Bābur (p. 251). He does this
when moralizing on Farhad's death, brought about by Khusrau's trick
and casting the doer into dread of vengeance (H. B.).
P. 266 n. 7.—On p. 266 Bābur allots three daughters to Pāpā Aghācha
and on p. 269 four. Various details make for four. But, if four, the
total of eleven (p. 261) is exceeded.
P. 276 para. 3.—Attention is attracted on this page to the unusual
circumstance that a parent and child are both called by the same
name, Junaid. One other instance is found in the _Bābur-nāma_, that
of Bābur's wife Ma`ṣuma and her daughter. Perhaps "Junaid" like
"Ma`ṣūma" was the name given to the child because birth closely
followed the death of the parent (_see_ _s.n._ Ma`ṣūma).
P. 277.—Concerning Bih-būd Beg the _Shaībānī-nāma_ gives the
following information:—he was in command in Khwārizm and Khīva when
Shaibānī moved against Chīn _Ṣūfī_ (910 AH.), and spite of his name,
was unpopular (Vambéry's ed. 184, 186). Vambéry's note 88 says he is
mentioned in the (anonymous) prose _Shaibānī-nāma_, Russian trs. p.
lxi.
P. 372 l. 2 fr. ft.—Where the Ḥai. MS. and Kāsān Imp. have _mu`āraẓ_,
rival, E. and de C. translate by representative, but the following
circumstances favour "rival":—Wais was with Bābur (pp. 374-6) and
would need no representative. His arrival is not recorded; no
introductory particulars are given of him where his name is first
found (p. 372); therefore he is likely to have joined Bābur in the
time of the gap of 924 AH. (p. 366), before the siege of Bajaur-fort
and before `Alā'u'd-dīn did so. The two Sawādī chiefs received gifts
and left together (p. 376).
P. 393 l. 4.—In this couplet the point lies in the double-meaning of
_ra`iyat_, subject and peasant.
P. 401.—Under date Thursday 25th Bābur mentions an appointment to
read _fiqah sabaqī_ to him. Erskine translated this by "Sacred
extracts from the Qorān" (I followed this). But "lessons in theology"
may be a better rendering—as more literal and as allowing for the use
of other writings than the Qorān. A correspondent Mr. G. Yazdānī
(Gov. Epigraphist for Muslim Inscriptions, Haidarabad) tells us that
it is customary amongst Muslims to recite religious books on
Thursdays.
P. 404 l. 7 fr. ft.—Bābā Qashqa (or Qāshqā)'s family-group is
somewhat interesting as that of loyal and capable men of Mughūl birth
who served Bābur and Humāyūn. It must have joined Bābur in what is
now the gap between 914 and 925 AH. because not mentioned earlier and
because he is first mentioned in 925 AH. without introductory
particulars. The following details supplement _Bābur-nāma_
information about the group:—(1) Of Bāba Qashqa's murder by
Muḥammad-i-zamān _Bāī-qarā_ Gul-hadan (f. 23) makes record, and
Badāyūnī (Bib. Ind. ed. i, 450) says that (_cir._ 952 AH.) when
Bābā's son Ḥājī Muḥ. Khān _Kūkī_ had pursued and overtaken the rebel
Kāmrān, the Mīrzā asked, as though questioning the Khān's ground of
hostility to himself, "But did I kill thy father Bābā Qashqa?"
(_Pidrat Bābā Qashqa magar man kushta am?_).—(2) Of the death of Bābā
Qashqa's brother "Kūkī", Abū'l-faẓl records that he was killed in
Hindūstān by Muḥammad Sl. M. _Bāī-qarā_ (952 AH.), and that Kūkī's
nephew Shāh Muḥ. (_see_ p. 668) retaliated (955 AH.) by
arrow-shooting one of Muḥ. Sl. Mīrzā's sons. This was done when Shāh
Muḥ. was crossing Mīnār-pass on his return journey from sharing
Humāyūn's exile in Persia (_see_ Jauhar).—(3) Hājī Muḥ. Khān _Kūkī_
and Shāh Muḥammad Khān appear to have been sons of Bābā Qashqa and
nephews of "Kūkī" (_supra_). They were devoted servants of Humāyūn
but were put to death by him in 958 AH.-1551 AD. (cf. Erskine's _H.
of I. Humāyūn_).—(4) About the word _Kūkī_ dictionaries afford no
warrant for taking it to mean foster-brother (_kokah_). Chīngīz Khān
had a beg known as Kūk or Kouk (or Gūk) and one of his own grandsons
used the same style. It may link the Bābā Qashqā group with the
Chīngīz Khānid Kūkī, either as descendants or as hereditary
adherents, or as both. (_See_ Abū'l-ghāzī's _Shajarat-i-Turk_, trs.
Désmaisons, Index _s.n._ _Kouk_ and also its accounts of the origin
of several tribal groups.)
P. 416.—The line quoted by `Abdu'l-lāh is from the _Anwār-i-suhailī_,
Book II, Story i. Eastwick translates it and its immediate context
thus:—
"People follow the faith of their kings.
My heart is like a tulip scorched and by sighings flame;
In all thou seest, their hearts are scorched and stained
the same." (H.B.)
The offence of the quotation appears to have been against Khalīfa,
and might be a suggestion that he followed Bābur in breach of Law by
using wine.
P. 487 n. 2.—The following passages complete the note on _wulsa_
quoted by Erskine from Col. Mark Wilks' _Historical Sketches_ and
show how the word is used:—"During the absence of Major Lawrence from