The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
Apāq Begīm was another;[1053] she had no children; that Pāpā Āghācha the
Mīrzā made such a favourite of was her foster-sister. Being childless,
Apāq Begīm brought up as her own the children of Pāpā Āghācha. She
nursed the Mīrzā admirably when he was ill; none of his other wives
could nurse as she did. The year I came into Hindūstān (932 AH.)[1054]
she came into Kābul from Herī and I shewed her all the honour and
respect I could. While I was besieging Chandīrī (934 AH.) news came that
in Kābul she had fulfilled God's will.[1055]
One of the Mīrzā's mistresses was Laṯīf-sulṯān Āghācha of the
Chār-shamba people[1056]; she became the mother of Abū'l-muḥsin Mīrzā
and Kūpuk (or Kīpik) Mīrzā (_i.e._ Muḥammad Muḥsin).
Another mistress was Mīnglī Bībī Āghācha,[1057] an Aūzbeg and one of
Shahr-bānū Begīm's various people. She became the mother of Abū-turāb
Mīrzā, Muḥammad-i-ḥusain Mīrzā, Farīdūn-i-ḥusain Mīrzā and of two
daughters.
Pāpā Āghācha, the foster-sister of Apāq Begīm was another mistress. The
Mīrzā saw her, looked on her with favour, took her and, as has been
mentioned, she became the mother of five of his sons and four of his
daughters.[1058]
Begī Sulṯān Āghācha was another mistress; she had no child. There were
also many concubines and mistresses held in little respect; those
enumerated were the respected wives and mistresses of Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā.
Strange indeed it is that of the 14 sons born to a ruler so great as Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā, one governing too in such a town as Herī, three only were
born in legal marriage.[1059] In him, in his sons, and in his tribes and
hordes vice and debauchery were [Sidenote: Fol. 170.] extremely
prevalent. What shews this point precisely is that of the many sons born
to his dynasty not a sign or trace was left in seven or eight years,
excepting only Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā.[1060]
(_g. His amīrs._)
There was Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_, descending from Chākū _Barlās_ as
follows,—Muḥammad Barandūq, son of `Alī, son of Barandūq, son of
Jahān-shāh, son of Chākū _Barlās_.[1061] He had been a beg of Bābur
Mīrzā's presence; later on Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā favoured him, gave him
Kābul conjointly with Jahāngīr _Barlās_, and made him Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā's
guardian. After the death of Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā, Aūlūgh Beg Mīrzā
formed designs against the two Barlās; they got to know this, kept tight
hold of him, made the tribes and hordes march,[1062] moved as for
Qūndūz, and when up on Hindū-kush, courteously compelled Aūlūgh Beg
Mīrzā to start back for Kābul, they themselves going on to Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā in Khurāsān, who, in his turn, shewed them great favour. Muḥammad
Barandūq was remarkably intelligent, a very leaderlike man indeed! He
was extravagantly fond of a hawk; so much so, they say, that if a hawk
of his had strayed or had died, he would ask, taking the names of his
sons on his lips, what it would have mattered if such or such a son had
died or had broken his neck, rather than this or that bird had died or
had strayed.
Muz̤affar _Barlās_ was another.[1063] He had been with the Mīrzā in the
guerilla fighting and, for some cause unknown, had received extreme
favour. In such honour was he in those guerilla days that the compact
was for the Mīrzā to take four _dāng_ (sixths) [Sidenote: Fol. 170b.] of
any country conquered, and for him to take two _dāng_. A strange compact
indeed! How could it be right to make even a faithful servant a
co-partner in rule? Not even a younger brother or a son obtains such a
pact; how then should a beg?[1064] When the Mīrzā had possession of the
throne, he repented the compact, but his repentance was of no avail;
that muddy-minded mannikin, favoured so much already, made growing
assumption to rule. The Mīrzā acted without judgment; people say
Muz̤affar _Barlās_ was poisoned in the end.[1065] God knows the truth!
`Alī-sher _Nawā'ī_ was another, the Mīrzā's friend rather than his beg.
They had been learners together in childhood and even then are said to
have been close friends. It is not known for what offence Sl. Abū-sa`īd
Mīrzā drove `Alī-sher Beg from Herī; he then went to Samarkand where he
was protected and supported by Aḥmad Ḥājī Beg during the several years
of his stay.[1066] He was noted for refinement of manner; people fancied
this due to the pride of high fortune but it may not have been so, it
may have been innate, since it was equally noticeable also in
Samarkand.[1067] `Alī-sher Beg had no match. For as long as verse has
been written in the Turkī tongue, no-one has written so much or so well
as he. He wrote six books of poems (mas̤nawī), five of them answering to
the Quintet (_Khamsah_),[1068] the sixth, entitled the _Lisānu'ṯ-ṯair_
(Tongue of the birds), was in the same metre as the _Manṯiqu'ṯ-ṯair_
(Speech of the birds).[1069] He put together four _dīwāns_ (collections)
of odes, bearing the names, _Curiosities of Childhood_, _Marvels of
Youth_, _Wonders of Manhood_ and _Advantages of Age_.[1070] There are
good quatrains of his also. Some others of his compositions rank below
those [Sidenote: Fol. 171.] mentioned; amongst them is a collection of
his letters, imitating that of Maulānā `Abdu'r-raḥmān _Jāmī_ and aiming
at gathering together every letter on any topic he had ever written to
any person. He wrote also the _Mīzānu'l-aūzān_ (Measure of measures) on
prosody; it is very worthless; he has made mistake in it about the
metres of four out of twenty-four quatrains, while about other measures
he has made mistake such as any-one who has given attention to prosody,
will understand. He put a Persian _dīwān_ together also, Fānī
(transitory) being his pen-name for Persian verse.[1071] Some couplets
in it are not bad but for the most part it is flat and poor. In music
also he composed good things (_nīma_), some excellent airs and preludes
(_nakhsh u peshrau_). No such patron and protector of men of parts and
accomplishments is known, nor has one such been heard of as ever
appearing. It was through his instruction and support that Master
(Ustād) Qul-i-muḥammad the lutanist, Shaikhī the flautist, and Ḥusain
the lutanist, famous performers all, rose to eminence and renown. It was
through his effort and supervision that Master Bih-zād and Shāh
Muz̤affar became so distinguished in painting. Few are heard of as
having helped to lay the good foundation for future excellence he helped
to lay. He had neither son nor daughter, wife or family; he let the
world pass by, alone and unencumbered. At first he was Keeper of the
Seal; in middle-life he became a beg and for a time was Commandant in
Astarābād; later on he forsook soldiering. He took nothing from the
Mīrzā, on the contrary, he each year [Sidenote: Fol. 171b.] offered
considerable gifts. When the Mīrzā was returning from the Astarābād
campaign, `Alī-sher Beg went out to give him meeting; they saw one
another but before `Alī-sher Beg should have risen to leave, his
condition became such that he could not rise. He was lifted up and
carried away; the doctors could not tell what was wrong; he went to
God's mercy next day,[1072] one of his own couplets suiting his case:—
I was felled by a stroke out of their ken and mine;
What, in such evils, can doctors avail?
Aḥmad the son of Tawakkal _Barlās_ was another;[1073] for a time he held
Qandahār.
Walī Beg was another; he was of Ḥājī Saifu'd-dīn Beg's line,[1074] and
had been one of the Mīrzā's father's (Manṣūr's) great begs.[1075] Short
life was granted to him after the Mīrzā took the throne (973 AH.); he
died directly afterwards. He was orthodox and made the Prayers, was
rough (_turk_) and sincere.
Ḥusain of Shaikh Tīmūr was another; he had been favoured and raised to
the rank of beg[1076] by Bābur Mīrzā.
Nuyān Beg was another. He was a Sayyid of Tīrmīẕ on his father's side;
on his mother's he was related both to Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā and to Sl.
Ḥusain Mīrzā.[1077] Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā had favoured him; he was the beg
honoured in Sl. Aḥmad Mīrzā's presence and he met with very great favour
when he went to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's. He was a bragging, easy-going,
wine-bibbing, jolly person. Through being in his father's service,[1078]
Ḥasan of Ya`qūb used to be called also Nuyān's Ḥasan.
Jahāngīr _Barlās_ was another.[1079] For a time he shared the Kābul
command with Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_, later on [Sidenote: Fol. 172.]
went to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā's presence and received very great favour. His
movements and poses (_ḥarakāt u sakanāt_) were graceful and charming; he
was also a man of pleasant temper. As he knew the rules of hunting and
hawking, in those matters the Mīrzā gave him chief charge. He was a
favourite of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā and, bearing that Mīrzā's friendliness
in mind, used to praise him.
Mīrzā Aḥmad of `Alī _Farsī Barlās_ was another. Though he wrote no
verse, he knew what was poetry. He was a gay-hearted, elegant person,
one by himself.
`Abdu'l-khalīq Beg was another. Fīrūz Shāh, Shāhrukh Mīrzā's greatly
favoured beg, was his grandfather;[1080] hence people called him Fīrūz
Shāh's `Abdu'l-khalīq. He held Khwārizm for a time.
Ibrāhīm _Dūldāī_ was another. He had good knowledge of revenue matters
and the conduct of public business; his work was that of a second Muḥ.
Barandūq.
Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ was another.[1081] He was a brave man, using his sword
well in Sl. Abū-sa`īd Mīrzā's presence and later on getting his hand
into the work whatever the fight. As to his courage there was no
question at all, but he was a bit of a fool. After he left our
(_Mīrān-shāhī_) Mīrzās to go to Sl. Ḥusain Mīrzā, the Mīrzā gave him
Ghūr and the Nikdīrīs. He did [Sidenote: Fol. 172b.] excellent work in
those parts with 70 to 80 men, with so few beating masses and masses of
Hazāras and Nikdīrīs; he had not his match for keeping those tribes in
order. After a while Zamīn-dāwar was given to him. His son Shāh-i-shujā`
_Arghūn_ used to move about with him and even in childhood used to chop
away with his sword. The Mīrzā favoured Shāh-i-shujā` and, somewhat
against Ẕū'n-nūn Beg's wishes, joined him with his father in the
government of Qandahār. Later on this father and son made dissension
between that father and that son,[1082] and stirred up much commotion.
After I had overcome Khusrau Shāh and parted his retainers from him, and
after I had taken Kābul from Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_'s son Muqīm, Ẕū'n-nūn Beg
and Khusrau Shāh both went, in their helplessness, to see Sl. Ḥusain
Mīrzā. Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ grew greater after the Mīrzā's death when they
gave him the districts of the Herī Koh-dāman, such as Aūba (Ubeh) and
Chachcharān.[1083] He was made Lord of Badī`u'z-zamān Mīrzā's Gate[1084]
and Muḥammad Barandūq _Barlās_ Lord of Muz̤affar-i-ḥusain Mīrzā's, when
the two Mīrzās became joint-rulers in Herī. Brave though he was, he was
a little crazed and shallow-pated; if he had not been so, would he have
accepted flattery as he did? would he have made himself so contemptible?
Here are the details of the matter:—While he was so dominant and so
trusted in Herī, a few shaikhs and mullās went to him and said, "The
Spheres are holding commerce with us; you are to be styled
_Hizabru'l-lāh_ (Lion of God); you will overcome the Aūzbeg." Fully
accepting this flattery, he put his _fūṯa_ (bathing-cloth) round his
neck[1085] and gave thanks. Then, after Shaibāq Khān, coming against the
Mīrzās, had beaten them one [Sidenote: Fol. 173.] by one near Bādghīs,
Ẕū'n-nūn _Arghūn_ met him face to face near Qarā-rabāṯ and, relying on
that promise, stood up against him with 100 to 150 men. A mass of
Aūzbegs came up, overcame them and hustled them off; he himself was
taken and put to death.[1086] He was orthodox and no neglecter of the
Prayers, indeed made the extra ones. He was mad for chess; he played it
according to his own fancy and, if others play with one hand, he played