The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
Fearing a like fate for himself, he made escape and hastened to report
matters to his father in Lāhor. His information strengthening Daulat
Khān's previous apprehensions, decided the latter to proffer allegiance
to Bābur and to ask his help against Ibrāhīm. Apparently `Ālam Khān's
interests were a part of this request. Accordingly Dilāwar (or Apāq)
Khān went to Kābul, charged with his father's message, and with intent
to make known to Bābur Ibrāhīm's evil disposition, his cruelty and
tyranny, with their fruit of discontent amongst his Commanders and
soldiery.
_b. Reception of Dilāwar Khān in Kābul._
Wedding festivities were in progress[1560] when Dilāwar Khān reached
Kābul. He presented himself, at the Chār-bāgh may be inferred, and had
word taken to Bābur that an Afghān was at his Gate with a petition. When
admitted, he demeaned himself as a suppliant and proceeded to set forth
the distress of Hindūstān. Bābur asked why he, whose family had so long
eaten the salt of the Lūdīs, had so suddenly deserted them for himself.
Dilāwar answered that his family through 40 years had upheld the Lūdī
throne, but that Ibrāhīm maltreated Sikandar's amīrs, had killed 25 of
them without cause, some by hanging some burned alive, and that there
was no hope of safety in him. Therefore, he said, he had been sent by
many amīrs to Bābur whom they were ready to obey and for whose coming
they were on the anxious watch.
_c. Bābur asks a sign._
At the dawn of the day following the feast, Bābur prayed in the garden
for a sign of victory in Hindūstān, asking that it should be a gift to
himself of mango or betel, fruits of that land. It so happened that
Daulat Khān had sent him, as a present, half-ripened mangoes preserved
in honey; when these were set before him, he accepted them as the sign,
and from that time forth, says the chronicler, made preparation for a
move on Hindūstān.
_d. `Ālam Khān._
Although `Ālam Khān seems to have had some amount of support for his
attempt against his nephew, events show he had none valid for his
purpose. That he had not Daulat Khān's, later occurrences make clear.
Moreover he seems not to have been a man to win adherence or to be
accepted as a trustworthy and sensible leader.[1561] Dates are uncertain
in the absence of Bābur's narrative, but it may have been in this year
that `Ālam Khān went in person to Kābul and there was promised help
against Ibrāhīm.
_e. Birth of Gul-badan._
Either in this year or the next was born Dil-dār's third daughter
Gul-badan, the later author of an _Humāyūn-nāma_ written at her nephew
Akbar's command in order to provide information for the _Akbar-nāma_.
930 AH.—NOV. 10TH 1523 TO OCT. 29TH 1524 AD.
_a. Bābur's fourth expedition to Hindūstān._
This expedition differs from all earlier ones by its co-operation with
Afghān malcontents against Ibrāhīm _Lūdī_, and by having for its
declared purpose direct attack on him through reinforcement of `Ālam
Khān.
Exactly when the start from Kābul was made is not found stated; the
route taken after fording the Indus, was by the sub-montane road through
the Kakar country; the Jīhlam and Chīn-āb were crossed and a move was
made to within 10 miles of Lāhor.
Lāhor was Daulat Khān's head-quarters but he was not in it now; he had
fled for refuge to a colony of Bilūchīs, perhaps towards Multān, on the
approach against him of an army of Ibrāhīm's under Bihār Khān _Lūdī_. A
battle ensued between Bābur and Bihār Khān; the latter was defeated with
great slaughter; Bābur's troops followed his fugitive men into Lāhor,
plundered the town and burned some of the _bāzārs_.
Four days were spent near Lāhor, then move south was made to Dībālpūr
which was stormed, plundered and put to the sword. The date of this
capture is known from an incidental remark of Bābur about chronograms
(f. 325), to be mid-Rabī`u'l-awwal 930 AH. (_circa_ Jan. 22nd 1524
AD.).[1562] From Dībālpūr a start was made for Sihrind but before this
could be reached news arrived which dictated return to Lāhor.
_b. The cause of return._
Daulat Khān's action is the obvious cause of the retirement. He and his
sons had not joined Bābur until the latter was at Dībālpūr; he was not
restored to his former place in charge of the important Lāhor, but was
given Jalandhar and Sulṯānpūr, a town of his own foundation. This
angered him extremely but he seems to have concealed his feelings for
the time and to have given Bābur counsel as if he were content. His son
Dilāwar, however, represented to Bābur that his father's advice was
treacherous; it concerned a move to Multān, from which place Daulat Khān
may have come up to Dībālpūr and connected with which at this time,
something is recorded of co-operation by Bābur and Shāh Ḥasan _Arghūn_.
But the incident is not yet found clearly described by a source. Dilāwar
Khān told Bābur that his father's object was to divide and thus weaken
the invading force, and as this would have been the result of taking
Daulat Khān's advice, Bābur arrested him and Apāq on suspicion of
treacherous intent. They were soon released, and Sulṯānpūr was given
them, but they fled to the hills, there to await a chance to swoop on
the Panj-āb. Daulat Khān's hostility and his non-fulfilment of his
engagement with Bābur placing danger in the rear of an eastward advance,
the Panj-āb was garrisoned by Bābur's own followers and he himself went
back to Kābul.
It is evident from what followed that Daulat Khān commanded much
strength in the Panj-āb; evident also that something counselled delay in
the attack on Ibrāhīm, perhaps closer cohesion in favour of `Ālam Khān,
certainly removal of the menace of Daulat Khān in the rear; there may
have been news already of the approach of the Aūzbegs on Balkh which
took Bābur next year across Hindū-kush.
_c. The Panj-āb garrison._
The expedition had extended Bābur's command considerably, notably by
obtaining possession of Lāhor. He now posted in it Mīr `Abdu'l-`azīz his
Master of the Horse; in Dībālpūr he posted, with `Ālam Khān, Bābā Qashqa
_Mughūl_; in Sīālkot, Khusrau Kūkūldāsh, in Kalanūr, Muḥammad `Alī
_Tājik_.
_d. Two deaths._
This year, on Rajab 19th (May 23rd) died Ismā`īl _Ṣafawī_ at the age of
38, broken by defeat from Sulṯān Salīm of Rūm.[1563] He was succeeded by
his son T̤ahmāsp, a child of ten.
This year may be that of the death of Shāh Shujā` _Arghūn_,[1564] on
Sha`bān 22nd (July 18th), the last grief of his burden being the death
of his foster-brother Fāẓil concerning which, as well as Shāh Beg's own
death, Mīr Ma`ṣūm's account is worthy of full reproduction. Shāh Beg was
succeeded in Sind by his son Ḥasan, who read the _khuṯba_ for Bābur and
drew closer links with Bābur's circle by marrying, either this year or
the next, Khalīfa's daughter Gul-barg, with whom betrothal had been made
during Ḥasan's visit to Bābur in Kābul. Moreover Khalīfa's son
Muḥibb-i-`alī married Nāhīd the daughter of Qāsim Kūkūldāsh and
Māh-chūchūk _Arghūn_ (f. 214_b_). These alliances were made, says
Ma`ṣūm, to strengthen Ḥasan's position at Bābur's Court.
_e. A garden detail._
In this year and presumably on his return from the Panj-āb, Bābur, as he
himself chronicles (f. 132), had plantains (bananas) brought from
Hindūstān for the Bāgh-i-wafā at Adīnapūr.
931 AH.—OCT. 29TH 1524 TO OCT. 18TH 1525 AD.
_a. Daulat Khān._
Daulat Khān's power in the Panj-āb is shewn by what he effected after
dispossessed of Lāhor. On Bābur's return to Kābul, he came down from the
hills with a small body of his immediate followers, seized his son
Dilāwar, took Sulṯānpūr, gathered a large force and defeated `Ālam Khān
in Dībālpūr. He detached 5000 men against Sīālkot but Bābur's begs of
Lāhor attacked and overcame them. Ibrāhīm sent an army to reconquer the
Panj-āb; Daulat Khān, profiting by its dissensions and discontents, won
over a part to himself and saw the rest break up.
_b. `Ālam Khān._
From his reverse at Dībālpūr, `Ālam Khān fled straight to Kābul. The
further help he asked was promised under the condition that while he
should take Ibrāhīm's place on the throne of Dihlī, Bābur in full
suzerainty should hold Lāhor and all to the west of it. This arranged,
`Ālam Khān was furnished with a body of troops, given a royal letter to
the Lāhor begs ordering them to assist him, and started off, Bābur
promising to follow swiftly.
`Ālam Khān's subsequent proceedings are told by Bābur in the annals of
932 AH. (1525 AD.) at the time he received details about them (f.
255_b_).
_c. Bābur called to Balkh._
All we have yet found about this affair is what Bābur says in
explanation of his failure to follow `Ālam Khān as promised (f. 256),
namely, that he had to go to Balkh because all the Aūzbeg Sulṯāns and
Khāns had laid siege to it. Light on the affair may come from some
Persian or Aūzbeg chronicle; Bābur's arrival raised the siege; and risk
must have been removed, for Bābur returned to Kābul in time to set out
for his fifth and last expedition to Hindūstān on the first day of the
second month of next year (932 AH. 1525). A considerable body of troops
was in Badakhshān with Humāyūn; their non-arrival next year delaying his
father's progress, brought blame on himself.
THE MEMOIRS OF BĀBUR
SECTION III. HINDŪSTĀN
932 AH.-OCT. 18TH 1525 TO OCT. 8TH 1526 AD.[1565]
(_a. Fifth expedition into Hindūstān._)
(_Nov. 17th_) On Friday the 1st of the month of Ṣafar at the [Sidenote:
Ḥaidarābād MS. Fol. 251b.] date 932, the Sun being in the Sign of the
Archer, we set out for Hindūstān, crossed the small rise of Yak-langa,
and dismounted in the meadow to the west of the water of
Dih-i-ya`qūb.[1566] `Abdu'l-malūk the armourer came into this camp; he
had gone seven or eight months earlier as my envoy to Sulṯān Sa`īd Khān
(in Kāshghar), and now brought one of the Khān's men, styled Yāngī Beg
(new beg) Kūkūldāsh who conveyed letters, and small presents, and
verbal messages[1567] from the Khānīms and the Khān.[1568]
(_Nov. 18th to 21st_) After staying two days in that camp for the
convenience of the army,[1569] we marched on, halted one night,[1570]
and next dismounted at Bādām-chashma. There we ate a confection
(_ma`jūn_).
(_Nov. 22nd_) On Wednesday (Ṣafar 6th), when we had dismounted at
Bārīk-āb, the younger brethren of Nūr Beg—he himself remaining in
Hindūstān—brought gold _ashrafīs_ and _tankas_[1571] to the value of
20,000 _shāhrukhīs_, sent from the Lāhor revenues by Khwāja Ḥusain. The
greater part of these moneys was despatched by Mullā Aḥmad, one of the
chief men of Balkh, for the benefit of Balkh.[1572]
(_Nov. 24th_) On Friday the 8th of the month (Ṣafar), after [Sidenote:
Fol. 252.] dismounting at Gandamak, I had a violent discharge;[1573] by
God's mercy, it passed off easily.
(_Nov. 25th_) On Saturday we dismounted in the Bāgh-i-wafā. We delayed
there a few days, waiting for Humāyūn and the army from that side.[1574]
More than once in this history the bounds and extent, charm and delight
of that garden have been described; it is most beautifully placed; who
sees it with the buyer's eye will know the sort of place it is. During
the short time we were there, most people drank on drinking-days[1575]
and took their morning; on non-drinking days there were parties for
_ma`jūn_.
I wrote harsh letters to Humāyūn, lecturing him severely because of his
long delay beyond the time fixed for him to join me.[1576]
(_Dec. 3rd_) On Sunday the 17th of Ṣafar, after the morning had been
taken, Humāyūn arrived. I spoke very severely to him at once. Khwāja
Kalān also arrived to-day, coming up from Ghaznī. We marched in the
evening of that same Sunday, and dismounted in a new garden between
Sulṯānpur and Khwāja Rustam.