The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
REVENUES OF HINDŪSTĀN FROM WHAT HAS SO FAR COME UNDER THE VICTORIOUS
STANDARDS
--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------
Sarkārs. | Krūrs. |Laks.| Tankas.
--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------
Trans-sutluj:--Bhīra, | | |
Lāhūr, Sīālkūt, | | |
Dībālpūr, etc. | 3 | 33 |15,989
Sihrind | 1 | 29 |31,985
Ḥiṣār-fīrūza | 1 | 30 |75,174
The capital Dihlī and | | |
Mīān-dū-āb | 3 | 69 |50,254
Mīwāt, not included in | | |
Sikandar's time | 1 | 69 |81,000
Bīāna | 1 | 44 |14,930 [Sidenote:
Āgra | | 29 |76,919 Fol. 292b.]
Mīān-wilāyat (Midlands) | 2 | 91 | 19
Gūālīār | 2 | 23 |57,450
Kālpī and Seho[n.]da | | |
(Seondhā) | 4 | 28 |55,950
Qanauj | 1 | 36 |63,358
Saṃbhal | 1 | 38 |44,000
Laknūr and Baksar | 1 | 39 |82,433
Khairābād | | 12 |65,000
Aūd (Oude) and Bahraj | | |
(Baraich) | 1 | 17 | 1,369 [Sidenote:
Jūnpūr | 4 | ·0 |88,333 Fol. 293.]
Karra and Mānikpūr | 1 | 63 |27,282
Bihār | 4 | 5 |60,000
Sarwār | 1 | 55 |17,506-1/2
Sāran | 1 | 10 |18,373
Champāran | 1 | 90 |86,060
Kandla | | 43 |30,300
Tirhut from Rāja | | |
Rup-narāīn's tribute, | | |
silver | | 2 |55,000
black (i.e. copper) | | 27 |50,000
Rantanbhūr from Būlī, | | |
Chātsū, and Malarna | | 20 |?00,000
Nagūr | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikrāmajīt in | | |
Rantanbhūr | -- | -- | --
Kalanjarī | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bīr-sang-deo (or, | | |
Sang only) | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikam-deo | -- | -- | --
Rāja Bikam-chand | -- | -- | --
--------------------------------+---------+-----+----------
[1916] So far as particulars and details about the land and people of
the country of Hindūstān have become definitely known, they have been
narrated and described; whatever matters worthy of record may come to
view hereafter, I shall write down.
HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.
(_a. Distribution of treasure in Āgra._)[1917]
(_May 12th_) On Saturday the 29th[1918] of Rajab the examination and
distribution of the treasure were begun. To Humāyūn were given 70 laks
from the Treasury, and, over and above this, a treasure house was
bestowed on him just as it was, without ascertaining and writing down
its contents. To some begs 10 laks were given, 8, 7, or 6 to
others.[1919] Suitable money-gifts were bestowed from the Treasury on
the whole army, to every tribe there was, Afghān, Hazāra, `Arab, Bīlūch
_etc._ to each according to its position. Every trader and student,
indeed every man who had come with the army, took ample portion and
share of bounteous gift and largess. To those not with the army went a
mass of treasure in gift and largess, as for instance, 17 laks to
Kāmran, 15 laks to Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā, while to `Askarī, Hindāl and
indeed to the whole various train of relations and younger
children[1920] went masses of red and white (gold and silver), of
plenishing, jewels and slaves.[1921] Many gifts went to the begs and
soldiery on that side (Tramontana). Valuable gifts (_saughāt_)
[Sidenote: Fol. 294.] were sent for the various relations in Samarkand,
Khurāsān, Kāshghar and `Irāq. To holy men belonging to Samarkand and
Khurāsān went offerings vowed to God (_nuẕūr_); so too to Makka and
Madīna. We gave one _shāhrukhi_ for every soul in the country of Kābul
and the valley-side[1922] of Varsak, man and woman, bond and free, of
age or non-age.[1923]
(_b. Disaffection to Bābur._)
On our first coming to Āgra, there was remarkable dislike and hostility
between its people and mine, the peasantry and soldiers running away in
fear of our men. Dilhī and Āgra excepted, not a fortified town but
strengthened its defences and neither was in obedience nor submitted.
Qāsim Saṃbhalī was in Saṃbhal; Niẕām Khān was in Bīāna; in Mīwāt was
Ḥasan Khān Mīwātī himself, impious mannikin! who was the sole leader of
the trouble and mischief.[1924] Muḥammad _Zaitun_ was in Dūlpūr; Tātār
Khān _Sārang-khānī_[1925] was in Gūālīār; Ḥusain Khān _Nuḥānī_ was in
Rāprī; Quṯb Khān was in Itāwa (Etāwa); `Ālam Khān (_Kālpī_) was in
Kālpī. Qanauj and the other side of Gang (Ganges) was all held by
Afghāns in independent hostility,[1926] such as Naṣīr Khān _Nuḥānī_,
Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_ and a crowd of other amīrs. These had been in rebellion
for three or four years before Ibrāhīm's death and when I defeated him,
were holding Qanauj and the whole country beyond it. At the present time
they were lying two or three marches on our side of Qanauj and had made
Bihār Khān the son of Daryā Khān _Nuḥānī_ their _pādshāh_, under the
style Sulṯān Muḥammad. [Sidenote: Fol. 294b.] Marghūb the slave was in
Mahāwīn (_Muttra_?); he remained there, thus close, for some time but
came no nearer.
(_c. Discontent in Bābur's army._)
It was the hot-season when we came to Āgra. All the inhabitants
(_khalāīq_) had run away in terror. Neither grain for ourselves nor corn
for our horses was to be had. The villages, out of hostility and hatred
to us had taken to thieving and highway-robbery; there was no moving on
the roads. There had been no chance since the treasure was distributed
to send men in strength into the parganas and elsewhere. Moreover the
year was a very hot one; violent pestilential winds struck people down
in heaps together; masses began to die off.
On these accounts the greater part of the begs and best braves became
unwilling to stay in Hindūstān, indeed set their faces for leaving it.
It is no reproach to old and experienced begs if they speak of such
matters; even if they do so, this man (Bābur) has enough sense and
reason to get at what is honest or what is mutinous in their
representations, to distinguish between loss and gain. But as this man
had seen his task whole, for himself, when he resolved on it, what taste
was there in their reiterating that things should be done differently?
What recommends the expression of distasteful opinions by men of little
standing [Sidenote: Fol. 295.] (_kīchīk karīm_)? Here is a curious
thing:—This last time of our riding out from Kābul, a few men of little
standing had just been made begs; what I looked for from them was that
if I went through fire and water and came out again, they would have
gone in with me unhesitatingly, and with me have come out, that wherever
I went, there at my side would they be,—not that they would speak
against my fixed purpose, not that they would turn back from any task or
great affair on which, all counselling, all consenting, we had resolved,
so long as that counsel was not abandoned. Badly as these new begs
behaved, Secretary Aḥmadī and Treasurer Walī behaved still worse. Khwāja
Kalān had done well in the march out from Kābul, in Ibrāhīm's defeat and
until Āgra was occupied; he had spoken bold words and shewn ambitious
views. But a few days after the capture of Āgra, all his views
changed,—the one zealous for departure at any price was Khwāja
Kalān.[1927]
(_d. Bābur calls a council._)
When I knew of this unsteadiness amongst (my) people, I summoned all the
begs and took counsel. Said I, "There is no supremacy and grip on the
world without means and resources; without lands and retainers
sovereignty and command (_pādshāhlīq u amīrlīq_) are impossible. By the
labours of several years, by encountering hardship, by long travel, by
flinging myself and the army into battle, and by deadly slaughter, we,
through God's [Sidenote: Fol. 295b.] grace, beat these masses of enemies
in order that we might take their broad lands. And now what force
compels us, what necessity has arisen that we should, without cause,
abandon countries taken at such risk of life? Was it for us to remain in
Kābul, the sport of harsh poverty? Henceforth, let no well-wisher of
mine speak of such things! But let not those turn back from going who,
weak in strong persistence, have set their faces to depart!" By these
words, which recalled just and reasonable views to their minds, I made
them, willy-nilly, quit their fears.
(_e. Khwāja Kalān decides to leave Hindūstān._)
As Khwāja Kalān had no heart to stay in Hindūstān, matters were settled
in this way:—As he had many retainers, he was to convoy the gifts, and,
as there were few men in Kābul and Ghaznī, was to keep these places
guarded and victualled. I bestowed on him Ghaznī, Girdīz and the Sulṯān
Mas`ūdī Hazāra, gave also the Hindūstān _pargana_ of G'hūram,[1928]
worth 3 or 4 _laks_. It was settled for Khwāja Mīr-i-mīrān also to go to
Kābul; the gifts were put into his immediate charge, under the custody
of Mullā Ḥasan the banker (_ṣarrāf_) and Tūka[1929] _Hindū_.
Loathing Hindūstān, Khwāja Kalān, when on his way, had the following
couplet inscribed on the wall of his residence [Sidenote: Fol. 296.]
(_`imāratī_) in Dihlī:—
If safe and sound I cross the Sind,
Blacken my face ere I wish for Hind!
It was ill-mannered in him to compose and write up this partly-jesting
verse while I still stayed in Hind. If his departure
caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.[1930] I composed the
following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him:—
Give a hundred thanks, Bābur, that the generous Pardoner
Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom.
If thou (_i.e._ the Khwāja) have not the strength for their heats,
If thou say, "Let me see the cold side (_yūz_)," Ghaznī is there.[1931]
(_f. Accretions to Bābur's force._)
At this juncture, Mullā Apāq was sent into Kūl with royal letters of
favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (_tarkash-band_) of that
neighbourhood. Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran)[1932] came trustfully and loyally
to do obeisance, bringing with him from 2 to 3,000 soldiers and
quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mīān-dū-āb_).
(_Author's note on Mullā Apāq._) Formerly he had been in a
very low position indeed, but two or three years before this
time, had gathered his elder and younger brethren into a
compact body and had brought them in (to me), together with
the Aūrūq-zāī and other Afghāns of the banks of the Sind.
Yūnas-i-`alī when on his way from Dihlī to Āgra[1933] had lost his way a
little and got separated from Humāyūn; he then met in with `Alī Khān
_Farmūlī's_ sons and train,[1934] had a small affair with them, took
them prisoners and brought them in. Taking advantage of this, one of the
sons thus captured was sent to his [Sidenote: Fol. 296b.] father in
company with Daulat-qadam _Turk's_ son Mīrzā _Mughūl_ who conveyed royal
letters of favour to `Alī Khān. At this time of break-up, `Alī Khān had
gone to Mīwāt; he came to me when Mīrzā _Mughūl_ returned, was
promoted, and given valid(?) _parganas_[1935] worth 25 laks.
(_g. Action against the rebels of the East._)