The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
the water is at its lowest, it is one step below the bottom chamber;
when it rises in the Rains, it sometimes goes into the top storey. In
the middle storey an inner chamber has been excavated which connects
with the domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The
[Sidenote: Fol. 301.] top storey is a single room, reached from two
sides by 5 or 6 steps which lead down to it from the enclosure
overlooked from the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the
stone inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well is
another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the first, and
into which water comes from that first one when the bullock turns the
wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. This second well also is
fitted with a wheel, by means of which water is carried along the
ramparts to the high-garden. A stone building (_tāshdīn `imārat_) stands
at the mouth of the well and there is an outer(?) mosque[1955] outside
(_tāshqārī_) the enclosure in which the well is. The mosque is not well
done; it is in the Hindūstānī fashion.
(_n. Humāyūn's campaign._)
At the time Humāyūn got to horse, the rebel amīrs under Naṣīr Khān
_Nuḥānī_ and Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_ were assembled at Jājmāū.[1956] Arrived
within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out Mūmin Ātāka for news; it
became a raid for loot; Mūmin Ātāka was not able to bring even the least
useful information. The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but
fled and got away. After Mūmin Ātāka, Qusm-nāī(?) was sent for news,
with Bābā Chuhra[1957] and Būjka; they brought it of the breaking-up and
flight of the rebels. Humāyūn advancing, took Jājmāū [Sidenote: Fol.
301b.] and passed on. Near Dilmāū[1958] Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ came and saw
him, and was sent to me with Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā.
(_o. News of the Aūzbegs._)
This year 'Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān (_Aūzbeg_) led an army out of Bukhārā
against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 10 to 15 peasants whom
he overcame and killed; then having taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or
50 days,[1959] he went on to Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40
Red-heads (_Qīzīl-bāsh_) who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the
peasantry however scattered them and opened the Gate to the Aūzbeg who
entering, killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against T̤ūs and
Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him in. T̤ūs he
besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, did not keep those
terms, but killed every man of name and made their women captive.
(_p. Affairs of Gujrāt._)
In this year Bahādur Khān,—he who now rules in Gujrāt in the place of
his father Sl. Muz̤affar _Gujrātī_—having gone to Sl. Ibrāhīm after
quarrel with his father, had been received without honour. He had sent
dutiful letters to me while I was near Pānī-pat; I had replied by royal
letters of favour and kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of
coming, but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrāhīm's army towards
Gujrāt. Meantime his father Sl. Muz̤affar had died (Friday Jumāda II.
2nd AH.-March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother Sikandar Shāh who was
Sl. Muz̤affar's eldest son, had become ruler in their father's place
and, owing to his evil disposition, [Sidenote: Fol. 302.] had been
strangled by his slave `Imādu'l-mulk, acting with others (Sha`ban
14th—May 25th). Bahādur Khān, while he was on his road for Gujrāt, was
invited and escorted to sit in his father's place under the style
Bahādur Shāh (Ramẓān 26th—July 6th). He for his part did well; he
retaliated by death on `Imādu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and
killed some others of his father's begs.[1960] People point at him as a
dreadnaught (_bī bāk_) youth and a shedder of much blood.
933 AH.-OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD.[1961]
(_a. Announcement of the birth of a son._)
In Muḥarram Beg Wais brought the news of Fārūq's birth; though a
foot-man had brought it already, he came this month for the gift to the
messenger of good tidings.[1962] The birth must have been on Friday eve,
Shawwāl 23rd (932 AH.-August 2nd 1526 AD.); the name given was Fārūq.
(_b. Casting of a mortar._)
(_October 22nd-Muḥarram 15th_) Ustād `Alī-qulī had been ordered to cast
a large mortar for use against Bīāna and other forts which had not yet
submitted. When all the furnaces and materials were ready, he sent a
person to me and, on Monday the 15th of the month, we went to see the
mortar cast. Round the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in
which [Sidenote: Fol. 302b.] were the molten materials. From below each
furnace a channel went direct to the mould. When he opened the
furnace-holes on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through
all these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the mould was
full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. Ustād `Alī-qulī
must have made some miscalculation either as to the furnaces or the
materials. In his great distress, he was for throwing himself into the
mould of molten metal, but we comforted him, put a robe of honour on
him, and so brought him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or
two to cool; when it was opened, Ustād `Alī-qulī with great delight sent
to say, "The stone-chamber (_tāsh-awī_) is without defect; to cast the
powder-compartment (_dārū-khāna_) is easy." He got the stone-chamber
out and told off a body of men to accoutre[1963] it, while he busied
himself with casting the powder-compartment.
(_c. Varia._)
Mahdī Khwāja arrived bringing Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ from Humāyūn's
presence, they having parted from him in Dilmāū. I looked with favour on
Fatḥ Khān, gave him the _parganas_ that had been his father
`Aẕam-humāyūn's, and other lands also, one _pargana_ given being worth a
_krūr_ and 60 _laks_.[1964]
In Hindūstān they give permanent titles [_muqarrarī khiṯāblār_] to
highly-favoured amīrs, one such being `Aẕam-humāyūn (_August Might_),
one Khān-i-jahān (Khan-of-the-world), another [Sidenote: Fol. 303.]
Khān-i-khānān (Khān-of-khāns). Fatḥ Khān's father's title was
`Aẕam-humāyūn but I set this aside because on account of Humāyūn it was
not seemly for any person to bear it, and I gave Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ the
title of Khān-i-jahān.
(_November 14th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Ṣafar[1965] awnings were set
up (in the Chār-bāgh) at the edge of the large tank beyond the
tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared there. We invited Fatḥ
Khān _Sarwānī_ to a wine-party, gave him wine, bestowed on him a turban
and head-to-foot of my own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and
favour[1966] and allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged
for his son Maḥmūd to remain always in waiting.
(_d. Various military matters._)
(_November 30th_) On Wednesday the 24th of Muḥarram[1967] Muḥammad `Alī
(son of Mihtar) Ḥaidar the stirrup-holder was sent (to Humāyūn) with
this injunction, "As—thanks be to God!—the rebels have fled, do you, as
soon as this messenger arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Jūnpūr,
and come quickly to us yourself, for Rānā Sangā the Pagan is
conveniently close; let us think first of him!"
After (Humāyūn's) army had gone to the East, we appointed, to make a
plundering excursion into the Bīāna neighbourhood, Tardī Beg (brother)
of Qūj Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, Muḥammad Khalīl the
master-gelder (_akhta-begī_) with his brethren and the gelders
(_akhtachīlār_),[1968] Rustam _Turkmān_ with his brethren, and also, of
the Hindūstānī people, Daud _Sarwānī_. [Sidenote: Fol. 303b.] If they,
by promise and persuasion, could make the Bīāna garrison look towards
us, they were to do so; if not, they were to weaken the enemy by raid
and plunder.
In the fort of Tahangar[1969] was `Ālam Khān the elder brother of that
same Niẕām Khān of Bīāna. People of his had come again and again to set
forth his obedience and well-wishing; he now took it on himself to say,
"If the Pādshāh appoint an army, it will be my part by promise and
persuasion to bring in the quiver-weavers of Bīāna and to effect the
capture of that fort." This being so, the following orders were given to
the braves of Tardī Beg's expedition, "As `Ālam Khān, a local man, has
taken it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with him
and in the way he approves in this matter of Bīāna." Swordsmen though
some Hindūstānīs may be, most of them are ignorant and unskilled in
military move and stand (_yūrūsh u tūrūsh_), in soldierly counsel and
procedure. When our expedition joined `Ālam Khān, he paid no attention
to what any-one else said, did not consider whether his action was good
or bad, but went close up to Bīāna, taking our men with him. Our
expedition numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000
Hindūstānīs and local people, while Niẕām Khān of Bīāna's Afghāns and
_sipāhīs[1970]_ were an army of over 4000 horse and of [Sidenote: Fol.
304.] foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000. Niẕām Khān looked
his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed horse charging
down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His men unhorsed his elder
brother `Ālam Khān, took 5 or 6 others prisoner and contrived to capture
part of the baggage. As we had already made encouraging promises to
Niẕām Khān, we now, spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier
and this later fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rānā
Sangā's rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid
Rafī`[1971] for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in
with Sayyid Rafī`, when he was exalted to the felicity of an
interview.[1972] I bestowed on him a pargana in Mīān-dū-āb worth 20
_laks_.[1973] Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Bīāna, but a
few days later it was bestowed on Madhī Khwāja with a fixed allowance of
70 _laks_,[1974] and he was given leave to go there.
Tātār Khān _Sārang-khānī_, who was in Gūālīār, had been sending
constantly to assure us of his obedience and good-wishes. After the
pagan took Kandār and was close to Bīāna, Dharmankat, one of the Gūālīār
rājas, and another pagan styled Khān-i-jahān, went into the Gūālīār
neighbourhood and, coveting the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult.
Tātār Khān, thus placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gūālīār (to
us). Most of our begs, household and best braves being away with
(Humāyūn's) army or on various raids, we joined to Raḥīm-dād [Sidenote:
Fol. 304b.] a few Bhīra men and Lāhorīs with Hastachī[1975] _tūnqiṯār_
and his brethren. We assigned _parganas_ in Gūālīār itself to all those
mentioned above. Mullā Apāq and Shaikh Gurān (G'hurān) went also with
them, they to return after Raḥīm-dād was established in Gūālīār. By the
time they were near Gūālīār however, Tātār Khān's views had changed, and
he did not invite them into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muḥammad _Ghaus̤_
(Helper), a darwīsh-like man, not only very learned but with a large
following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to say to
Raḥīm-dād, "Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for the views of this
person (Tātār Khān) have changed, and he has evil in his mind." Hearing
this, Raḥīm-dād sent to say to Tātār Khān, "There is danger from the
Pagan to those outside; let me bring a few men into the fort and let the
rest stay outside." Under insistence, Tātār Khān agreed to this, and
Raḥīm-dād went in with rather few men. Said he, "Let our people stay
near this Gate," posted them near the Hātī-pul (Elephant-gate) and
through that Gate during that same night brought in the whole of his
troop. Next day, Tātār Khān, reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made
over the fort, and set out to come and wait on me in Āgra. A subsistence
allowance of 20 _laks_ was assigned to him on Bīānwān _pargana_.[1976]