The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
[Sidenote: Fol. 305.] Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ also took the only course open
to him by surrendering Dūlpūr and coming to wait on me. A _pargana_
worth a few _laks_ was bestowed on him. Dūlpūr was made a royal domain
(_khālṣa_) with Abū'l-fatḥ _Turkmān_[1977] as its military-collector
(_shiqdār_).
In the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza neighbourhood Ḥamīd Khān _Sārang-khānī_ with a body
of his own Afghāns and of the Panī Afghāns he had collected—from 3 to
4,000 in all—was in a hostile and troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the
15th Ṣafar (Nov. 21st) we appointed against him Chīn-tīmūr Sl.
(_Chaghatāī_) with the commanders Secretary Aḥmadī, Abū'l-fatḥ
_Turkmān_, Malik Dād _Kararānī_[1978] and Mujāhid Khān of Multān. These
going, fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghāns well,
killed a mass of them and sent in many heads.
(_e. Embassy from Persia._)
In the last days of Ṣafar, Khwājagī Asad who had been sent to Shāh-zāda
T̤ahmāsp[1979] in `Irāq, returned with a Turkmān named Sulaimān who
amongst other gifts brought two Circassian girls (_qīzlār_).
(_f. Attempt to poison Bābur._)
(_Dec. 21st_) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabī` a strange event
occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kābul. That letter is
inserted here just as it was written, without addition or taking-away,
and is as follows:—[1980]
"The details of the momentous event of Friday the 16th of the first
Rabī` in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.] are as follows:—The
ill-omened old woman[1981] Ibrāhim's mother heard [Sidenote: Fol. 305b.]
that I ate things from the hands of Hindūstānīs—the thing being that
three or four months earlier, as I had not seen Hindūstānī dishes, I had
ordered Ibrāhīm's cooks to be brought and out of 50 or 60 had kept four.
Of this she heard, sent to Atāwa (Etāwa) for Aḥmad the _chāshnīgīr_—in
Hindūstān they call a taster (_bakāwal_) a _chāshnīgīr_—and, having got
him,[1982] gave a _tūla_ of poison, wrapped in a square of paper,—as has
been mentioned a _tūla_ is rather more than 2 _mis̤qāls_[1983]—into the
hand of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison Aḥmad gave
to the Hindūstānī cooks in our kitchen, promising them four _parganas_
if they would get it somehow into the food. Following the first
slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent a second to see if the first
did or did not give the poison she had received to Aḥmad. Well was it
that Aḥmad put the poison not into the cooking-pot but on a dish! He did
not put it into the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to
compel any Hindūstānīs who were present while food was cooking in the
pots, to taste that food.[1984] Our graceless tasters were neglectful
when the food _(āsh_) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread were put
on a porcelain dish; on these less than half of the paper packet of
poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered [Sidenote: Fol. 306.]
fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had been strewn
on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his confusion, the man threw
the larger half into the fire-place."
"On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked meats were
set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also much fried carrot,
took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindūstānī food without noticing
any unpleasant flavour, took also a mouthful or two of dried-meat
(_qāq_). Then I felt sick. As some dried meat eaten on the previous day
had had an unpleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat.
Again and again my heart rose; after retching two or three times I was
near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it would not do, got up,
went retching every moment of the way to the water-closet (_āb-khāna_)
and on reaching it vomited much. Never had I vomited after food, used
not to do so indeed while drinking. I became suspicious; I had the cooks
put in ward and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to
be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch of the
next day; its belly was swollen and however much people threw stones at
it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that state it remained till
mid-day; it then got up; it did not die. [Sidenote: Fol. 306b.] One or
two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited a good deal
next day; one was in a very bad state. In the end all escaped.
(_Persian_) 'An evil arrived but happily passed on!' God gave me
new-birth! I am coming from that other world; I am born today of my
mother; I was sick; I live; through God, I know today the worth of
life!"[1985]
"I ordered Pay-master Sl. Muḥammad to watch the cook; when he was taken
for torture (_qīn_), he related the above particulars one after
another."
"Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables, amīrs and
wazīrs to be present and that those two men and two women should be
brought and questioned. They there related the particulars of the
affair. That taster I had cut in pieces, that cook skinned alive; one of
those women I had thrown under an elephant, the other shot with a
match-lock. The old woman (_būā_) I had kept under guard; she will meet
her doom, the captive of her own act."[1986]
"On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday _`araq_ in which
stamped-clay was dissolved.[1987] On Monday I drank milk in which were
dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,[1988] a strong purge. As on
the first day, Saturday, something very dark like parched bile was
voided."
"Thanks be to God! no harm has been done. Till now I had not known so
well how sweet a thing life can seem! As the line has it, 'He who has
been near to death knows the worth of life.' Spite of myself, I am all
upset whenever the dreadful [Sidenote: Fol. 307.] occurrence comes back
to my mind. It must have been God's favour gave me life anew; with what
words can I thank him?"
"Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for words, I have
written all that happened, with detail and circumstance, because I said
to myself, 'Don't let their hearts be kept in anxiety!' Thanks be to
God! there may be other days yet to see! All has passed off well and for
good; have no fear or anxiety in your minds."
"This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabī`, I being then
in the Chār-bāgh."
When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the above
letter was written and sent to Kābul.
(_g. Dealings with Ibrāhīm's family._)
As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened old
woman (_būā-i-bad-bakht_), she was given over to Yūnas-i-`alī and
Khwājagī Asad who after taking her money and goods, slaves and
slave-women (_dādūk_), made her over for careful watch to `Abdu'r-raḥīm
_shaghāwal_.[1989] Her grandson, Ibrāhīm's son had been cared for with
much respect and delicacy, but as the attempt on my life had been made,
clearly, by that family, it did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra;
he was joined therefore to Mullā Sarsān—who had come from Kāmrān on
important business—and was started off with the Mullā to Kāmrān on
Thursday Rabī` I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).[1990]
(_h. Humāyūn's campaign._)
[Sidenote: Fol. 307b.] Humāyūn, acting against the Eastern rebels[1991]
took Jūna-pūr (_sic_), went swiftly against Naṣīr Khān (_Nūḥānī_) in
Ghāzī-pūr and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably
on news* of Humāyūn's approach. From Ghāzī-pūr Humāyūn went against
Kharīd[1992] but the Afghāns of the place had crossed the Sārū-water
(Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming. Kharīd was plundered and
the army turned back.
Humāyūn, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shāh Mīr Ḥusain and
Sl. Junaid with a body of effective braves in Jūna-pūr, posted Qāẓī Jīā
with them, and placed Shaikh Bāyazīd [_Farmūlī_] in Aude (Oude). These
important matters settled, he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Mānikpūr and
took the Kālpī road. When he came opposite Kālpī, in which was Jalāl
Khān _Jik-hat's_ (son) `Ālam Khān who had sent me dutiful letters but
had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to chase fear from `Ālam
Khān's heart and so brought him along (to Āgra).
Humāyūn arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight-paradises[1993]
on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd Rabī` (Jan. 6th 1527 AD.). On the same day
Khwāja Dost-i-khāwand arrived from Kābul.
(_i. Rānā Sangā's approach._)[1994]
Meantime Mahdī Khwāja's people began to come in, treading on one
another's heels and saying, "The Rānā's advance is certain. Ḥasan Khān
_Mīwātī_ is heard of also as likely to join him. They must be thought
about above all else. It would favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead
of the army to reinforce Bīāna." [Sidenote: Fol. 308.]
Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Bīāna, the
commanders Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Yūnas-i-`alī, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Kitta
Beg, Qismatī[1995] and Būjka.
In the fight with Ibrāhīm, Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī's_ son Nāhar Khān had
fallen into our hands; we had kept him as an hostage and, ostensibly on
his account, his father had been making comings-and-goings with us,
constantly asking for him. It now occurred to several people that if
Ḥasan Khān were conciliated by sending him his son, he would thereby be
the more favourably disposed and his waiting on me might be the better
brought about. Accordingly Nāhar Khān was dressed in a robe of honour;
promises were made to him for his father, and he was given leave to go.
That hypocritical mannikin [Ḥasan Khān] must have waited just till his
son had leave from me to go, for on hearing of this and while his son as
yet had not joined him, he came out of Alūr (Alwar) and at once joined
Rānā Sangā in Toda(bhīm, Āgra District). It must have been ill-judged to
let his son go just then.
Meantime much rain was falling; parties were frequent; even Humāyūn was
present at them and, abhorrent though it was to him, sinned[1996] every
few days.
(_j. Tramontane affairs._)
One of the strange events in these days of respite[1997] was this:—When
Humāyūn was coming from Fort Victory. (Qila`-i-ẕafar) to join the
Hindūstān army, (Muḥ. 932 AH.-Oct. 1525 AD.) [Sidenote: Fol. 308b.]
Mullā Bābā of Pashāghar (_Chaghatāī_) and his younger brother Bābā
Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kītīn-qarā Sl. (_Aūzbeg_), into
whose hands Balkh had fallen through the enfeeblement of its
garrison.[1998] This hollow mannikin and his younger brother having
taken the labours of this side (Cis-Balkh?) on their own necks, come
into the neighbourhood of Aībak, Khurram and Sār-bāgh.[1999]
Shāh Sikandar—his footing in Ghūrī lost through the surrender of
Balkh—is about to make over that fort to the Aūzbeg, when Mullā Bābā and
Bābā Shaikh, coming with a few Aūzbegs, take possession of it. Mīr
Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no help for it; he is for submitting
to the Aūzbeg, but a few days later Mullā Bābā and Bābā Shaikh come with
a few Aūzbegs to Mīr Hamah's fort, purposing to make the Mīr and his
troop march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mīr Hamah makes Bābā
Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest felt huts (_aūtāq_)
here and there. He slashes at Bābā Shaikh, puts him and some others in
bonds, and sends a man galloping off to Tīngrī-bīrdī (_Qūchīn_, in
Qūndūz). Tīngrī-bīrdī sends off Yār-i-`alī and `Abdu'l-laṯīf with a few
effective braves, but before they reach Mīr Hamah's fort, Mullā Bābā has
arrived there with his Aūzbegs; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight
(_aūrūsh-mūrūsh_), but he can do nothing. Mīr Hamah and his men joined
Tīngrī-bīrdī's and came to Qūndūz. Bābā Shaikh's wound must have been
severe; they cut his head off and Mīr Hamah brought [Sidenote: Fol.
309.] it (to Āgra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head
with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows and