The Bābur-nāma in English (Memoirs of Bābur)
full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit was gorged
with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to the lord of Hell. In
whatever direction one from the army of Islām hastened, he found
everywhere a self-willed one dead; whatever march the illustrious camp
made in the wake of the fugitives, it found no foot-space without its
prostrate foe.
All the Hindūs slain, abject (_khwār_, var. _zār_) and mean,
By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants' lords,[2108]
Many hills of their bodies were seen,
And from each hill a fount of running blood.
Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks,
Passed[2109] they in flight to each waste and hill.
They turn their backs. The command of God is to be performed. Now praise
be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, for victory is from God alone, the
Mighty, the Wise.[2110] Written Jumāda II. 25th 933 (AH.-March 29th 1527
A.D.).[2111]
MINOR SEQUELS OF VICTORY.
(_a. Bābur assumes the title of Ghāzī._)
After this success _Ghāzī_ (Victor in a Holy-war) was written amongst
the royal titles.
Below the titles (_ṯughrā_)[2112] entered on the _Fatḥ-nāma_, I wrote
the following quatrain:—[2113]
For Islām's sake, I wandered in the wilds,
Prepared for war with pagans and Hindūs,
Resolved myself to meet the martyr's death. [Sidenote: Fol. 325.]
Thanks be to God! a _ghāzī_ I became.
(_b. Chronograms of the victory._)
Shaikh Zain had found (_tāpīb aīdī_) the words
_Fatḥ-i-pādshāḥ-i-islām_[2114] (Victory of the Pādshāh of the Faith) to
be a chronogram of the victory. Mīr Gesū, one of the people come from
Kābul, had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had composed
them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was a coincidence that Shaikh
Zain and Mīr Gesū should bring forward precisely the same words in the
quatrains they composed to embellish their discoveries.[2115] Once
before when Shaikh Zain found the date of the victory at Dībālpūr in the
words _Wasaṯ-i-shahr Rabī`u'l-awwal_[2116] (Middle of the month Rabī`
I.), Mīr Gesū had found it in the very same words.
HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.
(_a. After the victory._)
The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after another. The
Pagan's encirclement[2117] may have been 2 _kurohs_ from our camp
(_aūrdū_); when we reached his camp (_aūrdū_), we sent Muḥammadī,
`Abdu'l-`azīz, `Alī Khān and some others in pursuit of him. There was a
little slackness;[2118] I ought to have gone myself, and not have left
the matter to what I expected from other people. When I had gone as much
as a _kuroh_ (2 m.) beyond the Pagan's camp, I turned back because it
was late in the day; I came to our camp at the Bed-time Prayer.
With what ill-omened words Muḥammad Sharīf the astrologer had fretted
me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! I emptied my inwards[2119]
in abuse of him, but, spite of his being heathenish, ill-omened of
speech, extremely self-satisfied, and a most disagreeable person, I
bestowed a _lak_ upon him because there had been deserving service from
him in former times, and, [Sidenote: Fol. 325b.] after saying he was not
to stay in my dominions, I gave him leave to go.
(_b. Suppression of a rebellion._)
(_March 17th_) We remained next day (_Jumāda II. 14th_) on that
same ground. Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and Shaikh Gūran and
`Abdu'l-malik[2120] the armourer were sent off with a dense (_qālīn_)
army against Ilīās Khān who, having rebelled in Between-the-two-waters
(Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kūl (Koel) and made Kīchīk `Alī
prisoner.[2121] He could not fight when they came up; his force
scattered in all directions; he himself was taken a few days later and
brought into Āgra where I had him flayed alive.
(_c. A trophy of victory._)
An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the infant-hill
(_koh-bacha_) between which and our camp the battle had been fought.
(_d. Bīāna visited._)
(_March 20th_) Marching on from that ground, and after halting on two
nights, we reached Bīāna (_Sunday_, _Jumāda II. 17th_). Countless
numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates[2122] who had fallen in
their flight, lay on the road as far as Bīāna, indeed as far as Alūr and
Mīwāt.[2123]
(_e. Discussion of plans._)
On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amīrs and the amīrs of Hind
to a consultation about moving into the Pagan (Sangā)'s country; the
plan was given up because of the little water and much heat on the road.
(_f. Mīwāt._)
Near Dihlī lies the Mīwāt country which yields revenue of 3 or 4
_krūrs_.[2124] Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī_[2125] and his ancestors one after
another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred years or two. They
must have made[2126] imperfect submission to the Dihlī Sulṯāns; the
Sulṯāns of Hind,[2127] whether because their [Sidenote: Fol. 326.] own
dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was narrow, or because
of the Mīwāt hill-country,[2128] did not turn in the Mīwāt direction,
did not establish order in it, but just put up with this amount of
(imperfect) submission. For our own part, we did after the fashion of
earlier Sulṯāns; having conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Ḥasan Khān,
but that thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness and
benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but became the
mover of all disturbance and the cause of all misdoing.
When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan (against Rānā Sangā),
we moved to subdue Mīwāt. Having made 4 night-halts on the way, we
dismounted on the bank of the Mānas-nī[2129] 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) from
Alūr, the present seat of government in Mīwāt. Ḥasan Khān and his
forefathers must have had their seat[2130] in Tijāra, but when I turned
towards Hindūstan, beat Pahār (or Bihār) Khān and took Lāhor and
Dībālpūr (930 AH.-1524 AD.), he bethought himself betimes and busied
himself for a residence (_`imārat_) in Fort Alūr (Alwar).
His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from him to me in Āgra
when his son (Nāhar _i.e._ Tiger) was with me there,[2131] came now from
that son's presence in Alūr and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 326b.] for peace.
`Abdu'r-raḥīm _shaghāwal_ went with him to Alūr, conveying letters of
royal favour, and returned bringing Nāhar Khān who was restored to
favour and received _parganas_ worth several _laks_ for his support.
(_g. Rewards to officers._)
Thinking, "What good work Khusrau did in the battle!" I named him for
Alūr and gave him 50 _laks_ for his support, but unluckily for himself,
he put on airs and did not accept this. Later on it [_khẉud_, itself]
came to be known that Chīn-tīmūr must have done[2132] that work; guerdon
was made him for his renown(?);[2133] Tijāra-town, the seat of
government in Mīwāt, was bestowed on him together with an allowance of
50 _laks_ for his support.
Alūr and an allowance of 15 _laks_ was bestowed on Tardīka (or, Tardī
_yakka_) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand (_qūl_) had done
better than the rest. The contents of the Alūr treasury were bestowed on
Humāyūn.
(_h. Alwar visited._)
(_April 13th_) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 1st of the month
of Rajab, we came to within 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) of Alūr. I went to see the
fort, there spent the night, and next day went back to camp.
(_i. Leave given to various followers._)
When the oath before-mentioned[2134] was given to great and small before
the Holy-battle with Rānā Sangā, it had been mentioned[2135] that there
would be nothing to hinder leave after [Sidenote: Fol. 327.] this
victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing to go away
(from Hindūstān). Most of Humāyūn's men were from Badakhshān or
elsewhere on that side (of Hindū-kūsh); they had never before been of an
army led out for even a month or two; there had been weakness amongst
them before the fight; on these accounts and also because Kābul was
empty of troops, it was now decided to give Humāyūn leave for Kābul.
(_April 11th_) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from Alūr on
Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 _kurohs_ (8-10 m.) and dismounted
on the bank of the Mānas-water.
Mahdī Khwāja also had many discomforts; he too was given leave for
Kābul. The military-collectorate of Bīāna [he held] was bestowed on Dost
Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously Etāwa had been named for Mahdī
Khwāja,[2136] Mahdī Khwāja's son Ja`far Khwāja was sent there in his
father's place when (later) Quṯb Khān abandoned it and went off.[2137]
(_j. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory._)
Because of the leave given to Humāyūn, two or three days were spent on
this ground. From it Mūmin-i-`alī the messenger (_tawāchī_) was sent off
for Kābul with the _Fatḥ-nāma_.
(_k. Excursions and return to Āgra._)
Praise had been heard of the Fīrūzpūr-spring and of the great lake of
Kūtila.[2138] Leaving the camp on that same ground, I rode out on Sunday
(_Rajab 12th-April 14th_) both to visit [Sidenote: Fol. 327b.] these
places and to set Humāyūn on his way. After visiting Fīrūzpūr and its
spring on that same day, _ma'jūn_ was eaten. In the valley where the
spring rises, oleanders (_kanīr_) were in bloom; the place is not
without charm but is over-praised. I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone,
10 by 10[2139] to be made where the water widened, spent the night in
that valley, next day rode on and visited the Kūtila lake. It is
surrounded by mountain-skirts. The Mānas-nī is heard-say to go into
it.[2140] It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is
not well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides are
many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living near it are
said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. Even on our arrival a few
people went in them to the middle of the lake.
On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humāyūn's camp. There we
rested and ate food, and after having put robes of honour on him and his
begs, bade him farewell at the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept
for a little at some place on the road, at shoot of day passed through
the _pargana_ of Kharī, again slept a little, and at length got to our
camp which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).[2141] After leaving Toda, we
dismounted at Sūnkār; there Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī's_ son [Sidenote: Fol.
328.] Nāhar Khān escaped from `Abdu'r-raḥīm's charge.
Going on from that place, we halted one night, then dismounted at a
spring situated on the bill of a mountain between Busāwar and
Chausa[2142] (or Jūsa); there awnings were set up and we committed the
sin of _ma'jūn_. When the army had passed by this spring, Tardī Beg
_khāksār_ had praised it; he (or we) had come and seen it from on
horse-back (_sar-asbgi_) and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In
Hindūstān where there are never running-waters,[2143] people seek out
the springs themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing
drop by drop (_āb-zih_) out of the ground, not bubbling up like springs
of those lands.[2144] From this spring comes about a half-mill-water. It
bubbles up on the hill-skirt; meadows lie round it; it is very
beautiful. I ordered an octagonal reservoir of hewn stone made
above[2145] it. While we were at the border of the spring, under the
soothing influence of _ma'jūn_, Tardī Beg, contending for its surpassing
beauty, said again and again, (_Persian_) "Since I am celebrating the
beauty of the place,[2146] a name ought to be settled for it".
`Abdu'l-lāh said, "It must be called the Royal-spring approved of by
Tardī Beg." This saying caused much joke and laughter.
Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Bīāna, waited on me at this
spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Bīāna again, [Sidenote: Fol.
328b.] went on to Sīkrī, dismounted there at the side of a garden which