The Bruce
the more trustworthy authorities on the Siege of Troy; Homer, whom they
knew only through the Latin classics, being obviously biassed in favour
of the Greeks, a strong objection to historians who loved to attribute
the beginnings of their nation to a colony of Trojan fugitives--_e.g._,
Brutus, who founded Albion or Britain. Dares Phrygius, whose _De
Excidio Trojæ_ is merely a good-sized pamphlet, here comes first as
the favourite. Figuring as a priest of Hephæstus, he gives the Trojan
side. The point of the present reference is that he makes Troy fall
by the treachery of Æneas and others, who admit the Greeks by night
at the Scæan gate on the outside of which “was painted the head of a
horse” (ed. London, 1825, p. 336); thus rationalizing the story of the
wooden horse as he does Homer’s other remarkable incidents. The book
is in Latin, and is late--not much earlier than the twelfth century.
It professes, however, to have been translated from a Greek manuscript
found at Athens by the translator, Cornelius Nepos! Dictys Cretensis,
styled companion of Idomeneus, stands for the Greek side, giving,
however, a more impartial account than Homer. His MS. (_Ephemeris
Belli Trojani_) was found, it is alleged, in Gnossus, Crete, in one
of the tin (lead) coffers, examples of which have been found in the
recent explorations of the great palace. It was translated from the
original Punic into Greek in the time of Nero and again translated
into Latin. It is the older production of the two by a few centuries;
both, of course, are fabrications. On them Benoit de Sainte-More based
his _Roman de Troie_, which Guido delle Colonne turned into a Latin
_Historia Trojana_ and successfully passed off on the Middle Ages as
his own work. Scotland came under the spell of Guido, and it is from
him Barbour takes his information.
533 _throw pusoune._ The account of the medieval romances of Alexander.
He really died in 323 B.C., of a combination of malarial fever and hard
drinking--which was much too tame an end for his admirers.
542 _fryst maid emperour._ A usual medieval error, but Julius Cæsar
did not become Emperor. Chaucer says the same thing (_Monk’s Tale_).
Geoffrey of Monmouth speaks of “Julius Cæsar and the rest of the Roman
kings”--a double error (_Edit. Giles_, 1844, p. 176). See below on 554.
549 _Als Arthur._ Arthur’s European conquests are enumerated in the
contemporary, _Morte Arthure_, p. 2. The Eastern ones, such as “Surry”
(Syria), follow the triumph over Rome.
554 _Lucius Yber._ “Sir Lucius Iberius, the Emperor of Rome,” is a
leading figure in _Morte Arthure_. Wyntoun observes that his correct
title was Procurator, as the Emperor proper was Leo, but excuses the
earlier author for calling him Emperor on that ground that,
“Ane empyroure in propyrté (in especial)
A comawndoure suld callyt be” (_Bk._ v., Chap. xii.):
_i.e._, Emperor is simple _imperator_. In fact, Geoffrey styles him
“Lucius Respublicæ procurator” to begin, but in the account of his
death, “Lucius imperator” (ed. cited, pp. 174, 198). In the _Gest.
Hystoriale_, Agamemnon is “Emperor” of the Greeks. On conclusions from
this passage, see _Appendix_ F.i.c.
611 _The endentur, the seile to se._ Fordun, too, tells of “endentures”
(_indenturas_) between the barons, and of Comyn’s disclosure to Edward,
but gives a different account of Edward’s action and Bruce’s escape.
Wyntoun adopts Barbour’s version in his own words, so that we may
take it that, substantially, the story was the current explanation
in Scotland. Gray, too, it must be remembered, drew upon a Scottish
chronicle (see on 485 and _Introd._, ii.). It may just be that there
was a confusion as to the origin of the indenture which caused the
mischief. There actually was an indenture or bond between Bruce and
Bishop Lamberton, drawn up, too, in 1304, the year to which Fordun
attributes that between Bruce and Comyn. In this the parties bound
themselves to act together, in matters affecting them, against all
persons whatever, and provided that neither should attempt any
“difficult business” without consulting the other, and that, in the
case of any peril threatening, each should warn and shield the other
to the utmost of his power. The implication is clear: a fresh rising
was in contemplation, probably on the death of Edward I. (_cf._
Gray in note on 485). A copy of this document came into Edward’s
hands--certainly not, however, through the agency of Comyn--and
Lamberton was charged before witnesses at Newcastle on August 3, 1306.
He was asked whether the seal was his (_cf._ line 612), and whether it
had been affixed with his will and knowledge; to which he answered in
the affirmative (_Palgrave_, 323-5). The story of this endenture may
have got worked into what was known of Comyn’s refusal to co-operate
with Bruce. The records give no hint of anything else of the kind in
Edward’s possession, and the knowledge of it, had it existed, would not
have been suppressed (see also note on _Bk._ II. 17).
625-6 _into bourch, etc._ _I.e._, Bruce pledges his lands as bail for
his appearance. There is no record of such a Parliament, nor is any
such procedure at all probable.
BOOK II.
17 _Thai raid._ The account in Fordun is that one night, “when the wine
was giving its colour in the cup” (_cum merum splenderet in calice_),
Edward, on his way to bed, explained that on the morrow Bruce would
lose his life. Thereupon the hint of his danger was conveyed to Bruce
by the Earl of Gloucester (_i.e._, Randolph or Ralph de Monthermer), in
the form of twelve silver pennies and a pair of spurs (_Gesta Annalia_,
cxiv.). Gloucester was presently in the field against Bruce. Edward
declared that up to the time of the rupture, Bruce had enjoyed his
“full confidence” (_Fœdera_, ii., p. 988).
17 _on the fyften day._ Bower says the seventh day (_Scotich_, Lib.
xii., Cap. vii.). But the news of Comyn’s murder on February 10 seems
to have reached Edward (at Winchester) not long before the 23rd,
probably only a day or so (_Bain_, ii., No. 1746), and this would be
carried quickly.
18 _Louchmaban._ Bruce’s castle in Annandale.
32 _Schyr Jhone the Cumyn._ According to both Gray and Hemingburgh,
Bruce first sent his two brothers, Thomas and Neil, to ask Comyn
to meet him at Dumfries; Gray says that they might kill him on the
way, which, to Bruce’s disquiet, they failed to do; Hemingburgh that
he might discuss with Bruce certain matters affecting them both
(_Scala._, p. 129; _Chronicon_, ii., p. 245). Sir John Comyn “the Red”
was Balliol’s nephew, the son of his third sister (_Scala._, p. 121),
and his wife was a sister of Aymer de Valence. He came to Dumfries from
Dalswintion, not far away.
33 _In the Freris, at the hye awter._ Edward informed the Pope that
Comyn was murdered “in the church of the Friars Minor (Franciscans)
of Dumfries, near the high altar” (_Palgrave_, i., pp. 335, 346). The
“high altar” is part of the setting in all the accounts. The date is
February 10, 1306.
34 _with lauchand cher._ Hemingburgh says they embraced in the cloister
(_mutuo se receperunt in osculum_, p. 245).
35 _The endentur._ According to Fordun, Bruce, on his way home, had
met a messenger of Comyn carrying to Edward letters advising the
imprisonment or death of Bruce. He had killed the messenger and taken
the letters, and it was with these he now confronted Comyn (_Gesta
Annal._, cxv.). Gray relates that Bruce now made Comyn the proposal
described in note on _Bk._ I. 485, which Comyn refused to entertain,
whereupon Bruce said: “I had other hopes of you from the promises of
both you and your friends; _you have betrayed me to the King by your
letters_, and, since you cannot live to accomplish my wish, take your
reward” (_pur quoi viaunt ne pusse eschever moun voloir, tu auras toun
guerdon._--_Scala._, p. 130). Hemingburgh’s version is that Bruce
accused Comyn of treason, _in that he had denounced him to the King
of England_, and lowered his standing to his loss (p. 246). Edward’s
account to the Pope is that Comyn would not assent to the treason
which Bruce proposed--that is, to renew the war against him, and make
himself, by force, King of Scotland (_Palgrave_, 335).
36 _hym reft the lyff._ The other accounts are more detailed, and agree
in stating that Bruce merely wounded Comyn, and that his followers
completed the work: “In the middle of the church, before the altar,”
says Gray; “on the steps of the high altar, which was stained with his
blood,” according to Hemingburgh (as cited).
37-38 _Schyr Edmund Comyn ... And othir mony._ Barbour is wrong in the
name; it was Sir Robert Comyn, John’s uncle (_Fordun_, _Lanercost_,
_Gray_, _Hemingburgh_, _Palgrave_, as cited). Sir Edmund fell at
Bannockburn (_Annal. London_, p. 251). No other fatalities are
mentioned. Hemingburgh adds that Bruce took the Castle and forced the
English justices, then holding court, to surrender, but allowed them to
depart in safety (p. 246).
40 _that debat fell othir wayis._ “That the quarrel came about
otherwise.” Barbour was familiar with, at least, another version. _Cf._
previous notes.
67 _drawyn and hangit._ See note on _Bk._ IV. 322.
81 _the byschop of Androws towne._ On June 9 Lamberton writes to Aymer
de Valence, Edward’s lieutenant in Scotland, that no blame attached to
him in the matter of the death of John Comyn and his uncle, or for the
beginning of this war (_Palgrave_, p. 322).
86 _Thomas prophecy._ Thomas of “Hersildoune” is Thomas of Ercildoune
(now Earlston), or Thomas Rhymer whose alleged prophecies had a great
vogue in Scotland for hundreds of years, especially at a national
crisis. One such was current with the Jacobites of the Forty-Five.
A MS. of the first quarter of the fourteenth century gives a long
prediction by Thomas in answer to the question when the Scottish War
should end (_Thomas of Ercildoune_, E.E.T.S., pp. xviii, xix). It
contains the line, “When Bambourne (? Bannockburn) is donged wyth dede
men.” _Cf._ _Bk._ XIII. 336-340.
92 _befor the byschop schar._ See note on _Bk._ I. 356.
96 _the burdys down war laid._ _I.e._, the boards which formed the
table were removed from the trestles after dinner.
107 _wald disherys._ Bruce’s lands had been immediately confiscated and
distributed to others (_Bain_, ii.; s.v. Earl of Carrick).
112 _the Clyffurd._ See note on _Bk._ I. 282.
118 _Ferrand._ Also the name of the horse of Emynedus, Alexander’s
comrade, in the _Alexander_. “Ferrand” means “iron-grey,” as in _Morte
Arthure_: “one _ferant_ stedez” (2259, etc.). Like “Blanchard” (white)
a common name for a horse.
148 _Aryk stane._ At the head of Annandale.
179 _wes maid king._ On the Feast of the Annunciation, March 25, 1306
(_Lanercost_, 203; _Hemingburgh_, 247; _Scala._, 130).
187 _went out our the land._ Malise, Earl of Strathearn, presented
a memorial to the King of England, explaining how Bruce, after his
coronation, had summoned him to give homage, how he had refused at
first, but was apprehended, and submitted in order to save his life
(_Palgrave_, pp. 319-21). According to Hemingburgh, it was after
Comyn’s murder that Bruce went round Scotland (_circuivit terram
Scociae_), seizing and fortifying castles, etc. (II., p. 246). There
was scarcely time at that stage.
200-1 _Schir Amer the Vallang._ Sir Aymer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke,
sent to put down Robert Bruce, etc., April 15, 1306 (_Bain_, ii., No.
1762). In Barbour’s spelling the “g” is soft. Valence had taken an
active part in the Scots’ war since Falkirk, and figures, as before
that date, in the _Wallace_. He was now about twenty-six years of age
and practically a professional soldier.
204 _in all hy._ Valence was to enter Scotland at once; the Prince of
Wales and then Edward himself were to follow. Edward, however, wished